VOUNG  PRETEI^  , 


' 


THE     YOUNG     PRETENDER 


PRINCE    CHARLES 
From  the  painting  by  Gannari 


THE 

YOUNG   PRETENDER 


BY 

CHARLES   SANFORD  TERRY 


WITH   TWELVE   ILLUSTRATIONS 


NEW  YORK 

E.    P.    BUTTON    &    CO. 
1903 


PREFACE 

'""I  SHIS  account  of  Prince  Charles's  chequered 
life    makes    no   claim    to   originality.      In 
Chapter   I.    I    have    made    use    of    the   recently 
published  volume  of  the  Stuart  Papers,  and   the 
Egerton  letters  of  James  III.  printed  by  me  in 
the     English     Historical    Review    for    July,    1901. 
Chapters    III.    and    IV.    follow   closely  the  con- 
temporary authorities  in  my  Rising  of  1745,  and 
passages  quoted  in  them  will,  for  the  most  part, 
be  found  in  that  book.     For  Charles's  life  before 
and  after  the  '45,  and  particularly  for  the  period 
between   l746'-66,   Mr.   Lang's  researches  in  the 
Stuart  Papers  at  Windsor  have  yielded  a  mass  of 
new  and  interesting  information.     Those  papers 
are,    unfortunately,  calendered    no    further   than 
to  17K).     But  even  if  they  were  I  should  hasten 
to  acknowledge  my  debt  to  Mr.  Lang's  volumes. 


2081435 


vi  PREFACE 

Mr.    Ewald's   transcripts    of    the    Record    Office 
Papers  have  also  helped  me  much. 

I  desire  to  acknowledge  the  kindness  of  the 
Countess  Dowager  of  Seafield,  Mr.  J.  Maxtone 
Graham  of  Cultoquhey,  Mr.  Arnold  Fraser-Lovat, 
Mr.  P.  J.  Anderson,  and  Messrs.  Goupil  and  Co. 
for  permission  to  make  use  of  pictures  or  photo- 
graphs in  their  possession. 

KING'S  COLLEGE, 

OLD  ABERDEEN, 

October  19,  1902 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  I 

OLD     MR.     MELANCHOLY 

The  Tragedy  of  the  Stuarts — Scottish  Sentiment 
towards  them — James  III. — Rules  for  his  Up- 
bringing, 1696 — Death  of  his  Father,  James  II., 
1701 — Loyalty  to  his  Father's  Injunctions — Said 
to  have  visited  London,  1702 — Announces  his 
Majority  to  the  Pope,  1706 — Sails  for  Scotland, 
March,  1708 — Failure  of  the  Expedition — With 
the  French  Army  in  Flanders,  1708 — Withdraws 
to  Chalons-sur-Marne,  1712 — At  Bar-le-Duc, 
1713 — The  Rev.  Charles  Leslie's  Account  of 
him,  1714 — Protests  against  George  I.'s  Acces- 
sion— Mar's  Rising,  1715 — Loyal  Associations 
in  England — James  arrives  in  Scotland — Lacking 
in  "  Cheerfulness  and  Vigour  " — His  Humanity 
— Letter  of  Adieu  to  the  Scotch,  February,  1716 — 
Marriage  Projects,  1714 — The  Duke  of  Berwick 
approves  of  the  Emperor's  Niece — The  Elector 
of  Bavaria  proposes  his  Daughter — A  Niece  of 
the  Elector  Palatine  suggested  —  A  Russian 
Princess  hoped  for,  1718  —  Charles  Wogan's 
Mission — Wogan  recommends  Maria  Clementina 


viii  CONTENTS 

Sobieska — She  sets  out  from  Ohlau  to  join  James, 
but  is  imprisoned  at  Innsbruck,  September,  1718 
— Wogan  to  the  Rescue — James  meanwhile  in 
Spain,  March,  1 7 1 9 — His  Hopes  shattered — Glen- 
shiel,  June,  1719 — Returns  to  Italy — Marriage 
of  James  and  Clementina,  September,  1719 


CHAPTER  II 

YOUTH    (1720 — 1745) 

The  Real  and  Traditional  Charles  —  His  Birth, 
December  31,  1720 — "  A  fine,  promising  Child  " 
— That  He  should  be  sent  to  Scotland  suggested 
—  Clementina's  Grievances  —  Charles's  lusty 
Growth — Learning  the  Violin — Chevalier  Ram- 
say engaged  as  his  Tutor,  1724 — Murray  and 
Sheridan  replace  Ramsay — Charles  sees  the  Pope 
— His  "  Heretic "  Training— Birth  of  Prince 
Henry,  1725 — Clementina  quarrels  with  James, 
and  withdraws  to  a  Convent — The  Pope  rebukes 
James — Charles  repeats  his  Catechism  to  the 
Pope — James  at  Bologna,  1726 — Reconciliation 
with  Clementina,  1727 — Death  of  George  I. — 
James  in  Lorraine — Clementina  refuses  to  join 
Him  at  Avignon — Hopeless  state  of  the  Jacobite 
Party — Charles's  Proficiency  in  Sport — Is  "  Out 
of  the  Hand  of  his  Governors,"  1733 — His 
vivacite  brutale — At  the  Siege  of  Gaeta,  1734 — 
His  Conduct  thereat — Likely  to  be  a  "  Dangerous 
Enemy"  to  the  Hanoverian  Establishment — 


CONTENTS  ix 

PACK 

Death  of  Clementina,  1735 — Charles  "Wonder- 
fully Thoughtless  " — Marriage  suggested — Tour 
in  Italy,  1737 — War  Clouds,  1739 — Charles 
"wearied"  of  Italy — His  Musical  Tastes — 
Wears  the  Highland  Dress  at  the  Carnival, 
1741 — Renewal  of  the  Jacobite  Association  in 
Scotland — Charles  invited  to  France,  1743 — His 
Journey  thither,  1744 — At  Gravelines — Destruc- 
tion of  the  French  Transport  Fleet — Charles 
incognito  in  Paris — Murray  of  Broughton  visits 
Him — He  is  resolved  to  go  to  Scotland — His 
Parable  of  the  Horse  -  -  -  -  -  zo 


CHAPTER    III 

THE    FORTY-FIVE 

Charles  announces  his  Departure  for  Scotland — His 
Equipment — His  Companions — Combat  between 
the  Lion  and  Elizabeth — Charles  lands  at  Eriska 
— Boisdale  advises  Him  to  return — Charles  crosses 
to  Lochnanuagh — Lochiel  engages  to  raise  the 
Camerons — The  Du  Teillay  returns  to  France 
— The  Standard  raised  at  Glenfinnan  —  The 
Government's  Forces  in  Scotland — Early  Hostili- 
ties— Cope  inarches  Northward — Charles  gets 
past  Him — At  Perth — Cope  follows  by  Sea — 
Charles  summons  Edinburgh — Lochiel  captures 
the  City — Charles  at  Holyrood — The  Battle  of 
Prestonpans — The  Duke  of  Cumberland  recalled 
from  Flanders — Charles  resolves  to  invade  Eng- 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

land — Carlisle  falls — The  Manchester  Regiment 
— Charles  reaches  Derby — Reluctantly  sanctions 
a  Retreat — Clifton  Skirmish — Charles  at  Glas- 
gow —  Encouraging  Situation  in  Scotland  — 
Stirling  surrenders — The  Castle  defiant — Hawley 
advances  from  Edinburgh — The  Battle  of  Fal- 
kirk — The  Chiefs  advise  Retreat — Charles  with- 
draws Northward — The  "  Rout  of  Moy  " — 
Charles  at  Inverness — His  Force  scatters — Cum- 
berland advances  from  Aberdeen — The  Night- 
March  to  Nairn — Sad  Plight  of  the  Highland 
Army — The  Battle  of  Culloden  -  -  -  45 


CHAPTER  IV 

IN   THE   HIGHLANDS   (1746) 

Charles's  Plans  after  Culloden — Edward  Burke  acts 
as  Guide — Charles's  Flight — Meets  Lord  Lovat 
— Reaches  Borradale — Donald  Macleod  agrees  to 
pilot  Him  to  the  Long  Island — The  Voyage  to 
Stornoway — Charles's  incognito  revealed — The 
Stornoway  People  refuse  Help — Charles  doubles 
back  to  South  Uist — Communicates  with  Lochiel 
and  Murray  of  Broughton — Charles  resolves  to 
enlist  Lady  Clanranald's  Help — In  Benbecula — 
A  Squadron  in  search  of  Him — Charles  sails  to 
Loch  Boisdale — Meets  Flora  Macdonald — Plans 
an  Escape  to  Skye — Flora  secures  Passports — 
Charles's  anxious  waiting  at  Coradale — Flora 
joins  Him  at  Rossinish  —  Charles  dressed  as 


CONTENTS  xi 

PAGE 

"Betty  Burke" — The  Journey  to  Skye — Flora 
enlists  Lady  Margaret  MacdonalcTs  Help— Charles 
at  Kingsburgh — The  "  Rape  of  the  Lock  " — 
Charles  bids  Flora  farewell — Sails  from  Portree 
to  Raasa — Doubles  back  to  Skye — Macleod 
conducts  Him  to  Elgol — The  Mackinnons  convey 
Him  to  Mallaig — Macdonald  of  Borradale  gives 
Shelter — Cumberland  sends  out  Troops  to  search 
for  Him — Charles  breaks  the  cordon,  and  skulks 
in  Glenmoriston— Returns  Southward,  and  joins 
Lochiel  in  Benalder — In  Cluny's  "  Cage  " — 
Wild  Rumours  as  to  his  Movements — The  French 
Ships  Prince  de  Conti  and  UHeureux  arrive  at 
Lochnanuagh  —  The  Search  for  Charles — -He 
comes  on  Board— Departure  for  France — Lands 
at  RoscofF,  near  Morlaix  -  -  -  -  -  88 


CHAPTER  V 

INTRIGUE     (1746 — 1766) 

The  Tragedy  of  Charles's  Career — His  Moral  Col- 
lapse— Effect  of  the  '45  upon  his  Hopes  and 
Policy — Charles  announces  his  Return  to  Henry 
— Desires  an  Interview  with  Louis — At  Ver- 
sailles— France  will  not  aid  Him — His  strange 
Methods  of  Diplomacy — Marriage  Projects — 
Charles  at  Madrid,  1747 — Henry  secretly  leaves 
Paris,  and  is  created  Cardinal — James  endeavours 
to  reconcile  Charles  to  the  Event — Charles's 
Indignation — The  Princesse  de  Talmond — The 


xii  CONTENTS 

i 

Treaty  of  Aix-la-Chapelle,  1748 — Charles  in- 
vited to  leave  France — Behaves  with  Bravado — 
His  Arrest — Confined  at  Vincennes — Retires  to 
Avignon  —  Offers  himself  in  Marriage  to  a 
Daughter  of  Hesse  Darmstadt — Ordered  to  leave 
Avignon,  1749 — His  perplexing  Movements — 
In  Lorraine — Ventures  to  visit  Paris — At  Strass- 
burg — Invites  the  Earl  Marischal  to  meet  Him 
at  Venice — Ordered  to  leave  Venice — Back  to 
Paris — His  Hiding-place  in  the  Convent  of  St. 
Joseph — Mademoiselle  Ferrand  and  Madame  de 
Vasse — His  Liaison  with  Madame  de  Talmond — 
Is  reading  Fielding's  Novels — Visits  London, 
1750 — Becomes  a  Protestant — His  Defence  of 
that  Step — Quarrels  with  Madame  de  Talmond 
—Is  lost  sight  of — His  "Two  Heroines" — He 
again  approaches  the  Earl  Marischal,  1751 — 
Takes  a  House  at  Ghent,  1752 — Clementina 
Walkinshaw  joins  Him — Henry  Goring  re- 
monstrates— The  Elibank  Plot — Divulged  by 
"Pickle" — Archibald  Cameron's  Death,  1753 — 
Charles  "a  Sedentary  Man" — Rambling  about 
Flanders — In  Paris — Birth  of  Charlotte,  Duchess 
of  Albany — Charles  and  Clementina — Breaks 
with  Goring  and  the  Earl  Marischal,  1754 — 
Charles  takes  his  Family  to  Switzerland — His 
Disguises — Breaks  up  his  Household  at  Basel, 
1755 — In  sore  Need  of  Money — Hopes  to  be 
employed  by  France,  1756 — Defeat  of  Conflans, 
1759 — Clementina  leaves  Charles,  1760 — The 
"Nasty  Bottle" — Death  of  James  III.,  1766 — 
Charles  returns  to  Rome — The  Vatican  refuses  to 
recognize  Him — His  Evil  Habits  continued 


CONTENTS  xiii 

CHAPTER  VI 

THE    KING    (1766 — 1788) 

i'AGB 

The  Decay  of  Jacobitism — Charles's  Amusements  at 
Rome — His  abiding  Resentment  against  Clemen- 
tina Walkinshaw — Lord  Elcho  duns  Him  for 
Money — Charles  relapses — Visits  the  Pope,  1767 
— Dismisses  Andrew  Lumisden  and  Hay  of 
Restalrig — Marriage  Projects — Charles  at  Flor- 
ence, 1770 — In  Paris,  1771 — Louise  of  Stolberg 
—Charles  marries  Her,  1772 — Charlotte's  Letter 
— Charles  refuses  Help — Charlotte  and  Clemen- 
tina at  Rome,  1773 — They  are  ordered  to  leave 
the  City — Charles's  Churlish  Conduct  towards 
Them — Charles  at  Siena — His  Mythical  Son, 
James  Allen — Charles  settles  at  Florence,  1774. 
— His  Relations  with  Louise — Vittorio  Alfieri 
appears,  1 777 — Louise  takes  Refuge  in  a  Convent, 
1780 — Alfieri  and  Charles — Louise  at  Rome — 
Alfieri  follows — Charles's  Protest,  1782 — His 
Illness,  1783 — Gustavus  of  Sweden  at  Florence, 
1783 — Deed  of  Separation  between  Charles  and 
Louise,  1784 — She  joins  Alfieri — Charles  sum- 
mons his  Daughter  Charlotte  to  join  Him — He 
returns  to  Rome,  1785 — His  Death,  1788,  and 
Will — Death  of  Charlotte,  1789 — Death  of 
Henry,  1807 — Charles  and  Charles  XII.  of 
Sweden  -  -  176 

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTE  -  204 

INDEX  -        -        -  207 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 


1.  Prince    Charles   (from    the    picture    by 

B.  Gannari)  ...         -       Frontispiece 

2.  James  III.  {from  the  picture  by  Alexis 

Simeon  Belle  in  the  National  Portrait 

Gallery)  -         -         -    to  face  p.     1 1 

3.  Princess    Maria    Clementina    Sobieska 

{from  the  picture  attributed  to  F. 
Tre-Tjisani  in  the  National  Portrait 
Gallery)  -  to  face  p.  18 

4.  Prince    Charles   {from   the  picture    at- 

tributed to  Nicolas  Largilliere  in  the 

National  Portrait  Gallery)  -    to  face  p.    4.0 

5.  The   Battle  of  Culloden  (from  an  old 

print)  -         -    to  face  p.     85 

6.  Flora  Macdonald  {from  an  engraving, 

after  Thomas  Hudson,  in  the  British 

Museum)  -         -    to  face  p.  roo 

7.  Prince  Henry,  Cardinal  York  {from  the 

portrait  in  crayons  by  Rosalba  Car- 
riera  in  the  National  Portrait 
Gallery)  -  to  face  p.  135 


xvi  LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 

8.  Maria  Clementina  Walkinshaw  (from 

the  picture  by  Allan  Ramsay  in  the 
possession  of  James  Maxtone  Graham, 
Esq.,  Cultoquhey,  Crieff,  N.B.)  -  to  face  p.  156 

9.  Charles  III.  (from  the  picture  by  Pompeo 

Batoni    in    the     National    Portrait 

Gallery")  -    to  face  p.  178 

10.  Louise  Maximillienne  of  Stolberg, 
Countess  of  Albany  (from  the  picture 
by  Pompeo  Batoni  in  the  National 
Portrait  Gallery)  -  -  to  face  p.  186 

ij.  Charlotte,  Duchess  of  Albany  (from 
the  portrait  in  chalk  by  Ga--vin 
Hamilton  in  the  possession  of  the 
Countess  Dowager  of  SeafieU,  Cullen 
House,  Banffshire')  -  to  face  p.  1 9 1 

12.  The  Stuart  Monument  in  St.  Peter's, 

Rome  -  -    to  face  p.  20* 


THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 


CHAPTER  I 

OLD    MR.    MELANCHOLY 

The  Tragedy  of  the  Stuarts — Scottish  Sentiment  towards 
them — James  III. — Rules  for  his  Upbringing,  1696 — 
Death  of  his  Father,  James  II.,  1701 — Loyalty  to  his 
Father's  Injunctions — Said  to  have  visited  London, 
1702 — Announces  his  Majority  to  the  Pope,  1706 — 
Sails  for  Scotland,  March,  1708  —  Failure  of  the 
Expedition — With  the  French  Army  in  Flanders,  1708 
— Withdraws  to  Chalons-sur-Marne,  1712 — At  Bar- 
le-Duc,  1713 — The  Rev.  Charles  Leslie's  Account  of 
him,  1714 — Protests  against  George  I.'s  Accession — 
Mar's  Rising,  1715 — Loyal  Associations  in  England — 
James  arrives  in  Scotland — Lacking  in  "  Cheerfulness 
and  Vigour" — His  Humanity — Letter  of  Adieu  to  the 
Scotch,  February,  1716 — Marriage  Projects,  1714 — 
The  Duke  of  Berwick  approves  of  the  Emperor's 
Niece — The  Elector  of  Bavaria  proposes  his  Daughter 
— A  Niece  of  the  Elector  Palatine  suggested — A 
1 


THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

Russian  Princess  hoped  for,  1718 — Charles  Wogan's 
Mission  —  Wogan  recommends  Maria  Clementina 
Sobieska — She  sets  out  from  Ohlau  to  join  James, 
but  is  imprisoned  at  Innsbruck,  September,  1718 — 
Wogan  to  the  Rescue — James  meanwhile  in  Spain, 
March,  1719 — His  Hopes  shattered — Glenshiel,  June, 
1719  —  Returns  to  Italy  —  Marriage  of  James  and 
Clementina,  September,  1719. 

I  quelque  chose  justifie  ceux  qui  croyent  une 
fatalit^  a  laquelle  rien  ne  peut  se  sou- 
straire,"  wrote  Voltaire,  "  c'est  cette  suite  continu- 
elle  de  raalheurs  qui  a  persecute  la  maison  de  Stuart 
pendant  plus  de  trois-cent  annees."  James  I., 
long  a  prisoner  in  England,  fell  by  an  assassin's 
blow.  James  II.,  the  suppressor  of  the  Douglas, 
died  in  his  thirtieth  year ;  a  splinter  from  one  of 
his  own  cannon  slew  him.  James  III.  was  the 
victim  of  cold-blooded  murder.  James  IV.  fell  at 
Flodden,  the  flower  of  Scotland  around  him — 

"  Beside  Branxton  in  a  brook  breathless  they  lie, 
Gaping  against  the  moon  ;  their  ghosts  went  away." 

James  V.,  "  the  Red  Tod,"  still  young  in  years, 
died  broken  in  heart  and  old  in  disappointment. 
His  "lass,"  Mary  of  Scots,  fell  by  the  axe,  "the 
first  Instance  of  a  Royal  Pannel,  and  the  only 
Precedent  to  the  hard  Fate  of  her  Grandson,"  says 
Lockhart  bitterly. 

A  fitting  prologue  to  their  English  career  is  this 


OLD  MR.  MELANCHOLY  3 

Scottish  cycle  of  Stuart  tragedy.  Even  in  the 
timing  of  their  accession  to  the  throne  of  the 
"auld  enemy"  their  traditional  fatalite  was  with 
them.  They  came  to  a  nation  whose  energies 
were  quickening.  They  entered  its  life,  but  were 
not  of  it.  They  lacked  the  home-bred  mark  of 
the  Tudors,  above  all,  their  saving  sense  of  humour. 
In  every  one  of  them,  save  that  cynical  humorist 
Charles  II.,  was  a  pawky  pig-headedness,  which 
peeps  out  later  in  James  III.,  and  even  in  his  son. 
The  upheaval  of  seventeenth -century  England 
would  probably  have  taken  place  whatever  dynasty 
was  at  the  helm,  but  the  Stuart  temperament 
aggravated  its  character. 

Scotland  had  no  more  cause  than  England  to 
regard  James  1.,  his  son  and  grandsons,  with 
particular  favour.  Lockhart  tells  of  "an  Old 
Reverend  Gentleman  of  Fyfe "  who  attended 
James,  on  his  departure  to  his  English  kingdom, 
dressed  in  the  deepest  mourning ;  for,  said  he, 
"since  I  look  upon  this  Procession  as  Scotland's 
Funeral  Solemnity,  I'm  come  to  perform  my  last 
Duty  to  my  deceased  and  beloved  Country,  with 
a  Heart  full  of  Grief,  and  in  a  Dress  corresponding 
thereto."  That  impression  grew  as  the  century 
ran  its  course,  and  as  Scottish  interests,  political, 
ecclesiastical,  and  commercial,  seemed  to  be  sacri- 
ficed to  those  of  her  predominant  partner.  Yet 
later,  when  Dutch  or  German  Princes  ruled  at 
1—2 


4  THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

Holyrood,  Scottish  sentiment  grew  again  towards 
the  exiled  Stuarts,  and  founded  on  them  its  hopes 
of  a  day  of  deliverance.  The  English  Restoration 
of  1 660  had  been  a  restoration  of  the  Constitution 
as  much  as,  if  not  more  than,  the  monarchy  per  se. 
The  Scottish  attempts  to  restore  the  Stuarts  had 
at  bottom  the  same  wider  and  more  comprehensive 
motive — 

"  O  Caledon,  O  Caledon,  look  back  from  whence  ye  fell, 
And   from  your  sufferings  learn  your   crime,  and  nere 

again  rebell. 
Redeem  your  antient   liberties,  regain  your  rights  and 

laws, 
Restore   your   injurd    lawfull    Prince,  or   perish   in   the 


The  same  aloofness  from  their  time  and  people 
which  wrecked  the  seventeenth-century  Stuarts 
doomed  both  the  Old  and  Young  Pretendants  to 
failure.  James  III.  was  an  infant  in  arms  when 
his  father  fled  from  England  and  her  "Dutch 
ironical  Saviour,"  William.  He  grew  up  in  a 
French  atmosphere,  amid  traditions  alien  to  the 
kingdom  which  he  claimed  as  his  own ;  and  the 
lessons  instilled  into  him  with  most  persistence 
were,  gratitude  to  Louis  and  obedience  to  the 
Pope.  He  lived  his  young  life  apart,  in  the  dull 
isolation  of  exiled  royalty.  James  II.  drew  up,  on 
July  19,  1696,  Rules  for  the  family  of  our  dearest 


OLD  MR.  MELANCHOLY  5 

son,  the  Prince  of  Wales.     The  careful  father  en- 
joined : 

i.  "In  the  first  place  the  Governor  [James  Earl  of  Perth], 
or  in  his  absence  one  of  the  Undergovernors,  must  con- 
stantly attend  upon  the  person  of  Our  said  dearest  son  at 
all  times  and  in  all  places,  that  he  may  be  still  under  the 
eye  of  one  of  them,  except  when  he  is  at  his  Book  or 
Catechisme  with  his  Preceptor,  or  Underpreceptor. 

5.  "  If  any  of  the  Prince  his  servants  shall  presume  to  say 
or  do  anything  in  his  presence  that  is  rude  and  not  decent 
for  him  to  hear  or  see,  the  Governor,  or  in  his  absence 
the  Undergovernor  in  waiting,  must  forthwith  forbid  such 
person  the  Prince  his  presence,  and  further  punish  him 
according  to  his  deserts,  and  for  other  persons  not  of  his 
family,  upon  the  like  transgression,  complaint  must  be 
made  of  them  to  Us. 

7.  "Certain  times  must  be  appointed  for  strangers  to 
wait  upon  the  Prince,  And  none  are  to  be  admitted  that 
come  at  other  times,  except  the  persons  be  particular  as  to 
quality,  or  that  the  occasion  be  extraordinary. 

8.  "None  are  to  be  permitted  to  whisper  in  the  Prince 
his  ear  or  talk  with  him  in  privat,  out  of  the  hearing  of 
the  Governor,  or  in  his  absence  of  the  Undergovernor  in 
waiting. 

9.  "None  must  be  permitted  to  make  the  Prince  any 
present  without  first  shewing  it  to  the  Governor,  or  in  his 

.  absence  to  the  Undergovernor  in  waiting,  and  asking  one 
of  their  leaves  to  give  it. 

10.  "  None  must  presume  to  give  the  Prince  anything 
to  eat,  nor  any  flowers,  perfumes,  or  sweet   waters,  etc., 
without  the  Governor's  leave  and  approbation,  or  the  leave 
and  approbation  of  the  Undergovernor  in  his  absence. 

11.  "No   books,  written  papers,  or  any  thing  of  that 


6  THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

nature  must  ever  be  given  to  the  Prince  without  shewing 
them  first  to  the  Governor  or  preceptor,  and  asking  their 
approbation,  and  no  songs  must  be  taught  the  Prince  but 
such  as  the  Governor  shall  first  approve. 

12.  "No  children  must  be  permitted  to  come  into  the 
Prince  his  lodgings,  upon  the  account  of  playing  with  him, 
but  when  they  are  sent  for,  by  the  Governor,  or  in  his 
absence  by  the  Undergovernor  in  waiting,  and  not  above 
two  or  three  at  a  time. 

14.  "  None  must  be  permitted  to  whisper  or  run  into 
corners  with  the  Prince,  wher  the  Governor,  etc.,  may  not 
hear  and  see  what  they  do  and  say  ;  and  he  shall  receive 
directions  from  Us,  what  children  are  fitt  to  play  with  our 
son  or  to  go  in  coach  with  him. 

22.  "  As  to  the  distribution  of  time  to  be  observed  for 
the  Prince,  his  hour  of  rising  in  the  morning  may  be  about 
seven  and  a  halfe.     The  time  between  that  and  nine  may 
be  allotted  for  his  dressing,  his  morning  prayers,  his  wait- 
ing upon  Us  and  the  Queen,  and  eating  his  breakfast. 

23.  "At  nine   of  the  clock  he  may  hear  Mass,  which 
done,  his  studys  may  begin,  and  be  continued  as  long  as 
his   Preceptor  shall   judge   proper   for   his   improvement. 
When  his  book  is  done,  ther  will  be  time  enough  between 
that  and  dinner,  which  will  be  about  twelve  and  a  halfe, 
for  his  dancing,  writing,  or  any  other  exercise  that  costs 
but  halfe  an  hour. 

24.  "  After  dinner  ther  must    be  allowed  an  hour  or 
somewhat  more  for  play,  and  about  two  houres  more  in 
the  afternoon  must  be  allotted  for  his  studys,  either  before 
he  goes  abroad  or  afterwards,  or  part  before  and  part  after, 
according  as  it  shall  be  found  convenient  considering  the 
season  of  the  year. 

25.  "  The  proper  times  of  his  receiving  company  will  be 


OLD  MR.  MELANCHOLY  7 

at  his  Leve,  and  at  his  dinner,  and  in  the  evening  after  his 
studys  are  done,  and  at  supper.  But  orders  must  be  given 
not  to  let  in  all  sorts  of  people  without  distinction,  and 
care  must  be  taken  that  thos  who  are  admitted  may  not 
talk  with  the  Prince  too  familiarly  without  observing  that 
distance  which  ought  to  be  kept. 

26.  "  What  times  are  allotted  upon  worke  days  for  his 
book,  must  be  imployed  upon  Sundays  and  holy  days  by 
the  Preceptor  in  Catechisme,  reading  of  good  books, 
Christian  doctrine,  and  the  like." 

One  discerns  already  the  "  Old  Mr.  Melancholy" 
of  later  days  in  this  rigid  regulation  of  his  mirth- 
less youth.  In  his  fourteenth  year  his  father, 
James  II.,  died  (September  16,  1701).  "Never 
forget,"  were  the  old  King's  last  words  to  him, 
"  the  debt  we  all  owe  to  him  [Louis],  and  re- 
member that  God  and  religion  are  above  all 
earthly  interests."  His  father's  "last  charges  to 
us  on  his  death-bed  will,  we  hope,  never  be  for- 
gotten by  us,"  the  young  King  tells  the  Pope. 
They  never  were.  James  "saved  his  soul  alive," 
but  his  worldly  prospects  fed  the  altar  of  sacrifice. 
Years  later  Prince  Charles  realized  his  father's 
error,  though  not  his  rectitude  of  purpose.  James, 
indeed,  like  David  of  Scotland,  was  "a  sair  saint  " 
to  his  phantom  crown.  He  was  "  devot  a  1'exces," 
as  De  Brosses  remarked. 

If  Hearne,  or  his  informant,  may  be  trusted, 
James  paid  a  flying  visit  to  England  in  1702, 
when  Queen  Anne  was  crowned.  There  is  not  a 


8  THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

word  in  the  Stuart  Papers  hinting  at  such  a  visit ; 
but  Hearne's  informant,  Mr.  Giffard,  on  Octo- 
ber 22,  1711,  assured  a  company  of  "honest"  men 
that  the  visit  took  place,  that  James  was  present 
at  the  Queen's  coronation,  and  that  she  "  kissed 
him  at  that  time."  John  Macky,  the  spy,  even 
asserts  that  James  was  then  staying  incognito 
with  the  Due  d'Aumont  at  Somerset  House.  A 
similar  tradition  held  in  regard  to  Prince  Charles's 
presence  at  the  coronation  of  George  III. 

An  instance  of  the  misdirected  influences  which 
formed  James's  character  appears  in  1703.  St. 
Germains  was  in  consternation  because  the  lad's 
preceptor,  Dr.  John  Betham,  had  been  detected 
in  leanings  towards — Jansenism  !  Nothing  could 
divert  James  from  fulfilling  his  father's,  from  a 
worldly  point  of  view,  unfortunate  legacy.  On 
June  27,  1706,  he  wrote  to  the  Pope  to  announce 
his  majority  :  "  Having  attained  the  age  at  which 
our  father  directed  by  his  will  that  we  should 
become  sui  juris,  our  first  duty  is  to  render  to 
your  Holiness  the  homage  and  filial  obedience 
due  to  you.  Though  driven  from  both  our 
country  and  our  throne  for  sake  of  religion  alone, 
and  by  the  furious  hatred  of  the  heretics,  we  must 
trust  that  the  greater  wrong  we  suffer  from  men, 
the  greater  help  our  worldly  affairs  will  receive 
from  the  Ruler  of  all  things.  But,  whatever 
may  happen  therein,  we  are  resolved  that  with 


OLD  MR.  MELANCHOLY  9 

God's  grace  no  temptation  of  this  world,  and 
no  desire  to  reign,  shall  ever  make  us  wander 
from  the  right  path  of  the  Catholic  faith, 
having  been  taught  how  infinitely  the  kingdom 
of  heaven  transcends  all  the  kingdoms  of  this 
world." 

Yet  James  was  not  wanting  in  spirit  and  resolu- 
tion. In  later  life  he  echoed  the  Preacher's  cry, 
"Vanity  of  vanities,  all  is  vanity."  But  in  his 
youth  and  early  manhood  he  was  ready  to  strike 
for  the  throne  his  father  had  lost.  In  1708 
France  gave  him  his  first  chance  of  action.  On 
March  1  he  drafted  at  St.  Germains  an  elaborate 
declaration  "to  his  good  people  of  his  Ancient 
Kingdom  of  Scotland."  On  March  T6T  he  set  sail 
from  Dunkirk,  with  the  fiery  Comte  de  Forbin.  His 
companions  were  sea-sick,  jusqu  aux  larmes.  James 
behaved  with  pluck  and  coolness.  On  March  ^ 
the  ships  made  the  Forth  after  heavy  weather. 
Before  the  troops  could  be  landed,  Byng's  squadron, 
which  had  followed  in  hot  pursuit,  made  its 
appearance.  Forbin  clapped  on  all  sail,  and  scudded 
northward  along  the  coast.  On  March  ^  he 
abandoned  all  hope  of  landing,  and  directed  his 
scattered  fleet  back  to  Dunkirk.  James  reached 

the  port  on  -^jjfy"  He  had  smelt  powder,  and 
had  even  been  under  fire.  "  Si  le  dessein  n'a  pas 
reuissi  comme  nous  1'esperions,"  wrote  his  mother 


io  THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

to  the  Archbishop  of  Aries  on  April  24,  1708, 
"nous  ne  devons  pas  laisser  de  remercier  Dieu  de 
1'avoir  delivre  des  dangers  auxquels  il  s'est  trouve 
expose,  et  ce  m'est  une  grande  consolation  que 
parmy  tant  de  traverses  differentes,  il  s'est  com- 
porte  de  maniere  qu'il  s'est  acquis  dans  1'esprit  de 
tous  ceux  qui  1'ont  accompagne  1'estime  et  la 
reputation  qui  doivent  est[re]  les  principaux  fonde- 
ment[s]  de  nos  esperances."  In  the  autumn  of 
1708  James  accompanied  the  French  army  to 
Flanders.  He  was  sorely  pushed  for  money. 
Queen  Mary  writes  to  her  Treasurer  on  Novem- 
ber 1,  1708:  "I  must  own  I  don't  see  how  any- 
thing can  be  saved  without  he  [James]  lessens  his 
equipage,  so  that  I  believe  I  shall  be  forced  to 
sell  the  rest  of  the  jewel,  but  I  will  not  tell  him 
so."  The  poor  Queen's  letters  show  how  lament- 
ably poverty  afflicted  her.  She  retained  her 
"jewel,"  or  some  of  it,  however.  Those  heirlooms 
passed  to  Charles,  and  from  him  to  his  daughter 
Charlotte.  They  were  valued  after  his  death  at 
nearly  £27,000. 

In  August,  1712,  James  withdrew  from  St. 
Germains  to  Chalons-sur-Marne,  for  France  was 
tiring  of  the  war  which  her  championship  of  the 
Stuarts  had  provoked.  James  faced  the  position 
which  met  his  son,  Prince  Charles,  in  1748.  Now, 
as  then,  England  insisted  upon  France's  abandon- 
ment of  her  protege.  Charles  met  the  crisis  with 


JAMKS   III 


OLD  MR.  MELANCHOLY  n 

bravado,  his  father  with  resignation.  Early  in  1 7 1 3 
James  withdrew  from  France,  and  found  shelter 
at  Bar-le-Duc.  The  Rev.  Charles  Leslie,  Protes- 
tant chaplain  to  his  household,  has  left  a  picture 
of  him  at  this  time :  "  He  is  Tall,  Streight,  and 
clean  Limb'd,  Slender,  yet  his  Bones  pretty  large : 
He  has  a  very  graceful  Mien,  walks  fast,  and  his 
Gate  has  great  Resemblance  of  his  Unkle  King 
Charles  II.,  and  the  Lines  of  his  Face  grow  dayly 
more  and  more  like  him.  He  uses  exercise  more 
for  Health  than  Diversion,  he  walks  Abroad, 
Shoots  or  Hunts  every  Day,  but  is  not  what  they 
call  a  keen  Sportsman.  Being  ask'd  what  he 
most  delighted  in  ?  He  said  it  wou'd  be  to  hear 
wise  Men  Discourse  upon  useful  Subjects.  He  is 
always  Chearful  but  seldom  Merry,  Thoughtful 
but  not  Dejected,  and  bears  his  Misfortunes  with 
a  visible  Magnanimity  of  Spirit.  He  frequents 
the  Publick  Devotions,  but  there  is  no  sort  of 
Bigottry  about  him.  He  has  a  great  Application 
to  Business,  spends  much  time  in  his  Closet,  and 
Writes  much."  James  scribbled  as  indefatigably 
as  Philip  II.  of  Spain.  He  was  for  ever  immersed 
in  business  relating  to  his  "law-suit."  Queen 
Anne's  precarious  health,  and  the  cautious  nibbling 
of  her  Ministers  at  the  Jacobite  bait,  seemed  to 
promise  great  things  for  the  exile.  But  the  sym- 
pathy of  his  English  supporters  was  cryptic  or 
timid,  and  James,  on  his  side,  failed  in  promptness 


12  THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

and  resolution.     An  ounce  of  Monmouth's  daring 
might  have  turned  the  scale — 

"  He  either  fears  his  fate  too  much, 

Or  his  deserts  are  small, 
Who  dares  not  put  it  to  the  touch, 
To  gain  or  lose  it  all." 

So  George  I.  came  over  faut  de  mieux,  and 
James,  on  August  29,  1714,  from  Plombieres, 
lodged  his  feeble  protest.  Fifty-seven  persons, 
it  appears,  had  a  better  right  to  the  English 
throne  than  its  new  occupant ! 

From  the  beginning  to  the  end  of  the  chapter 
bungling  ineptitude  dogged  the  efforts  of  the 
exiled  Court.  In  1708  James  came  over  to  Scot- 
land a  year  after  his  adherents  had  been  ready  to 
receive  him.  The  attempt  of  1719  was  not  less 
haphazard  and  inopportune.  And  now  in  I7la 
Mar,  like  Charles  in  1745,  forced  a  crisis  upon  his 
unready  party.  Success  at  first  condoned  the 
folly  of  the  effort.  Early  in  September  Mar 
raised  the  Standard  at  Braemar.  Perth  fell 
within  a  fortnight,  and  but  for  the  importunate 
curiosity  of  a  physician's  wife,  Edinburgh  might 
have  shared  the  same  fate.  The  Campbell  country 
was  menaced  by  the  clans,  and  Inverness  fell  to 
Mackintosh.  Loyalty  to  King  George,  which  had 
found  subdued  expression  at  his  accession,  fired 
up  upon  the  sudden  danger  to  his  throne.  Loyal 


OLD  MR.  MELANCHOLY  13 

Associations  sprang  up  throughout  the  country, 
and  none  so  militant  as  that  which  was  wont  to 
meet  "on  publick  days  at  the  Roe-buck,  over 
against  Bow  Church  in  Cheapside."  On  Novem- 
ber 5  the  club  surpassed  itself  in  boisterous 
loyalty :  "  The  solemnity  was  usher'd  along  by 
the  ceremony  of  beating  on  a  warming-pan,  with 
Musick,  Lights,  etc.  Then  follow'd  a  Cart 
wherein  was  placed  the  late  Duke  of  Ormond 
and  the  Rebel  Mar.  The  former  was  cloath'd  in 
Scarlet,  bedaw'd  with  gold  lace ;  he  had  a  short 
staff  in  one  hand,  and  in  the  other  a  paper  con- 
taining his  Orders  not  to  Fight,  and  a  large  Padlock 
on  his  Sword.  On  his  Right  hand  sat  the  Earl  of 
Mar  in  a  light  colour'd  Suit  bedaw'd  with  Silver, 
with  a  short  Staff  in  his  Right  hand,  to  which  was 
stuck  a  Paper  with  these  Words,  /  have  sworn  16 
times  to  defend  the  Protestant  Religion,  and  I  ne'er 
deceiv'd  you  but  once.  Then  follow'd  another  Cart, 
wherein  was  plac'd  the  Pretender,  cloath'd  with 
Blue,  lac'd  with  Silver,  his  Hat  lac'd  with  the 
same.  On  his  Right  hand  sat  the  Pope  in  his 
Pontifical  Habit  and  Tripple  Crown.  In  the 
Tayl  of  this  Cart  was  Henry  St.  John,  in  a  light 
coloured  Suit  turn'd  up  with  Black ;  he  sat  stoop- 
ing with  a  Pen  in  his  Hand,  as  their  Secretary, 
writing  Treasonable  Letters,  and  had  a  Paper 
stuck  up  by  him  with  these  words,  Perjury  is  on 
Crime.  They  were  all  drawn  backward  in  the 


14  THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

usual  Posture  of  Tray  tors,  and  with  Halters  about 
their  Necks." 

Sheriffmuir  and  Preston  proved  the  danger  to 
Protestant  George  ephemeral.  But  at  the  eleventh 
hour  James  himself  appeared  in  Scotland.  He 

i        i     i      i    v>   t      i_       j  December  22       _ ,  K          ™ 

landed  at  Peterhead  on  January2  ,  I7ff,  suffering 
from  an  "aguish  Distemper/'  and  proceeded  to 
Perth,  a  very  forlorn  leader  of  a  forlorn  hope. 
"  We  found  our  selves  not  at  all  animated  by  his 
Presence/'  says  one  of  the  grumblers,  "and  if  he 
was  disappointed  in  us,  we  were  tenfold  more  so 
in  him ;  we  saw  nothing  in  him  that  look'd  like 
Spirit ;  he  never  appeared  with  Chearfulness  and 
Vigour  to  animate  us :  Our  Men  began  to  despise 
him  ;  some  ask'd  if  he  could  Speak  ;  his  Counte- 
nance look'd  extremely  heavy  ;  he  car'd  not  to 
come  Abroad  among  us  Soldiers,  or  to  see  us  handle 
our  Arms  or  do  our  Exercise ;  some  said  the 
Circumstances  he  found  us  in  dejected  him.  I 
am  sure  the  Figure  he  made  dejected  us,  and  had 
he  sent  us  but  5,000  Men  of  good  Troops  and 
never  come  among  us,  we  had  done  other  Things 
than  we  have  now  done."  James  entirely  lacked 
his  son's  bonhommie  and  infectious  enthusiasm. 
He  had  opportunity  to  do  no  more  than  sanction 
the  retreat  of  his  disheartened  army  northward, 
and  to  proclaim  his  humanity  by  compensating 
those  of  Auchterarder  and  elsewhere  whose  lands 


OLD  MR.  MELANCHOLY  15 

and  houses  were  sacrificed  to  stay  Argyll's  advance. 
On  February  ^,  1716,  James  left  Scotland.  "I 
shall  ever  pursue  with  the  outmost  vigor  my  just 
designs/'  he  declared  in  his  Letter  of  Adieu  to  the 
Scotch,  "and  to  the  last  moment  of  it  retain  that 
sense  of  gratitude,  affection,  and  fatherly  tender- 
ness towards  you  which  you  so  justly  deserve  from 
me,  for  I  can  say  with  great  truth  that  your  mis- 
fortunes weigh  more  havie  upon  me  than  my 
own,  and  that  I  desire  happiness  only  to  make 
you  sharers  of  it  with  me."  He  never  saw  Scot- 
land again,  and  he  left  behind  him  no  happy  or 
inspiring  memory. 

Until  Spain  and  Alberoni  held  out  helping 
hands  in  1718,  James,  after  his  brief  taste  of 
activity,  returned  to  his  "  Closet."  After  a  flying 
and  secret  visit  to  his  mother  at  St.  Germains,  he 
returned  to  Bar-le-Duc.  Thence  he  wandered 
to  Avignon,  and  so  to  his  long  exile  in  Italy. 
Marriage  projects  had  long  been  entertained  on 
his  behalf.  Early  in  1714  the  Duke  of  Lorraine 
had  suggested  either  a  sister  of  the  Emperor 
Charles  VI.,  or  one  of  his  nieces,  the  daughters 
of  the  late  Emperor  Joseph.  The  Duke  of 
Berwick  thought  well  of  the  proposal,  but  doubted 
whether  the  Emperor  would  give  his  sister  until 
James  was  "home."  "The  chief  point  would  be 
to  try  if  he  would  now  give  you  one  of  his  nieces," 
Berwick  wrote  to  James  on  March  28,  1714;  "the 


i 6  THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

younger  has  but  a  portion,  which  would  not  be 
sufficient  to  maintain  you  and  children,  so  that 
the  eldest  is  the  only  [one]  at  this  time  can  be 
of  use  to  you  .  .  . ;  but  there  is  no  time  to  be 
lost,  for  as  soon  as  Bavaria  getts  into  his  country, 
your  Majesty  may  be  sure,  he  will  work  for  his 
son,  if  even  he  is  not  about  it  already."  The 
astute  Berwick  divined  correctly.  Joseph's 
daughter,  Maria  Amelia,  married  Charles  Albert 
pf  Bavaria.  Her  sister  married  Augustus  of 
Saxony  and  Poland.  The  Elector  of  Bavaria 
hinted  an  alternative  alliance  between  James  and 
his  daughter.  He  confided  his  idea  to  Berwick, 
and  Berwick,  on  March  25,  1714,  told  James  of  it. 
"  My  answer  in  laughing  was,"  he  wrote,  "  that 
one  would  be  glad  to  see  one's  wife  before  one 
would  say  one's  thoughts."  The  ready  Elector 
produced  a  miniature,  "which  is  neither  hand- 
some nor  ugly,"  Berwick  reported ;  but  "  he  sayes 
she  had  a  swelling  in  her  left  eye,  but  that  is  quite 
well  now  " !  "I  thought  it  was  not  convenient 
to  tell  him,"  Berwick  continued,  "your  Majesty 
would  not  think  of  his  daughter,  but  what  I  said 
to  him  was  only  civil  and  engages  to  nothing." 
A  niece  of  the  Elector  Palatine  was  also  proposed, 
and  some  tentative  steps  appear  to  have  been 
taken  to  secure  her.  But  Berwick  was  strongly 
in  favour  of  an  Austrian  alliance.  "  I  am  assured 
that  there  is  a  sister  [of  the  Emperor]  of  not 


OLD  MR.  MELANCHOLY  17 

above  five  or  six  and  twenty ;  if  that  be  so,  and 
that  she  be  not  horrible,  I  could  hartily  wish 
M.  Robinson  [James]  had  her,"  he  wrote  on 
January  11,  1715. 

After  James's  return  from  Scotland  the  hunt  for 
a  bride  began  afresh.     Early   in   1718  a  Russian 
Princess  was  hoped  for.     That  project  also  failed, 
and  Charles  Wogan,  like  Ryan  in  1771,  went  upon 
a  roving  commission  in  search  of  a  wife.     Chance, 
good  or  ill,  brought  him  to  Ohlau  in  Silesia,  to 
Prince  James  Sobieski,  son  of  the  famous  John  of 
Poland,  and  his  three  daughters.     Wogan  passed 
them  in  review,  as  Samuel  the  sons  of  Jesse.    One 
was    "astonishingly  solemn" — surely  the    fittest 
for  James ;   another    was    "  free   and  familiar "; 
and  Clementina,  the  youngest,  "  sweet,  amiable, 
of  an  even  temper,"  had  her  girlish  spirits  under 
decorous   control.     Such  was   Clementina    Maria 
Sobieska   as  Wogan   painted    her  to  his  master. 
"  Elle  est  dans  sa  xvi.e  annee,  et  on  en  dit  mil 
biens,"  writes  James  himself  (September  30,  1718). 
"  On  pretend  meme,"  he  added,  "  qu'  Elle  est  en 
voyage  pour  venir  en  Italic."     Clementina   and 
her  mother  were,  in  fact,  prisoners  at  Innsbruck, 
in  the  Tyrol,  by  order  of  the  Emperor,  who  for- 
bade the  match.    Wogan  went  to  the  rescue.     As 
a  travelling  merchant  he  sought  out  Clementina 
and  her  mother  at   Innsbruck.     He  resolved  to 
dare  the  Emperor  and  force  a   rescue.      Prince 
2 


i8  THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

James  Sobieski  at  Ohlau  approved;  the  scheme 
appealed  to  the  Sobieski  temperament.  Wogan, 
too,  was  Irish,  and  had  "  a  way  wid  him."  Three 
of  Dillon's  Irish  regiment  at  distant  Schlettstadt 
came  into  the  plot — Gaydon,  O'Toole,  and  Misset. 
Misset's  wife  and  Jeanneton,  her  maid,  were  also 
enlisted.  In  April,  1719,  the  conspirators  were 
back  at  Innsbruck.  On  the  28th,  a  wild  and  snowy 
night,  Jeanneton  was  smuggled  into  Clementina's 
house.  They  changed  clothes,  and  the  Princess 
and  her  escort  drove  post-haste  for  the  frontier. 
After  adventures  innumerable  they  crossed  it,  and 
on  to  Bologna.  There,  on  May  9,  a  proxy  marriage 
united  Clementina  to  James's  poor  fortunes.  Otto 
Hamerani's  medal  commemorated  her  escape. 
Fortunam  Causamque  Sequor,  Clementina  protested 
thereon.  Wogan  was  not  forgotten :  Deceptis 
Custodibus  MDCCXIX.,  on  the  reverse,  was  his 
tribute. 

Meanwhile  James  was  in  Spain ;  his  "  law- 
suit" claimed  him,  for  Alberoni  had  offered 
him  help.  On  February  8,  1719,  he  had  set  out 
for  Madrid,  and  encountered  greater  vicissitudes 
than  befell  his  son  in  1744,  when  he,  too,  left 
Italy  to  grasp  an  elusive  crown.  For  three  days 
James  remained  concealed  at  Marseilles.  At 
Villafranca  he  was  bled  for  a  fever.  At  the  lies 
d'Hyeres  he  shared  the  accommodation  of  an 
unsavoury  cabaret  with  a  crowd  of  dirty  guests, 


MAKIA  CLEMENTINA  SOB1ESKA 


OLD  MR.  MELANCHOLY  19 

and,  though  suffering  grievously  from  mal  dc  inn; 
trod  an  unwilling  and  boisterous  measure  with  the 
landlady !  On  March  9  he  landed  at  Rosas,  and 
before  the  end  of  the  month  was  at  Madrid.  He 
arrived  in  time  to  witness  the  destruction  of  his 
hopes.  Afflaiit  Deiis  !  An  opportune  Protestant 
wind  shattered  Spain's  Armada.  The  Keiths  and 
a  handful  reached  Scotland,  only  to  encounter 
defeat  (June  10,  1719)  at  Glenshiel. 

James's  days  of  active  pretendership  were  over, 
and  he  returned  to  Italy,  a  tardy  bridegroom. 
Through  the  spring  and  summer  Clementina  had 
awaited  her  lord.  On  September  1,  1719,  the 
marriage  ceremony  was  repeated  at  Montefias- 
cone.  James  was  delightfully  content  with  his 
wife.  "  Je  ne  scauray  me  contenter,"  he  writes 
on  September  23,  "sans  vous  Informer  encore  de 
ma  propre  main  du  bonheur  donee  je  jouis  .  .  . 
car  II  est  vray  que  si  j'avois  eii  a  demander  a 
dieu  quil  me  donnast  une  femme  avec  toutes  les 
qualites  qui  me  convenoient  ou  que  j'auray  pu 
desirer,  je  n'en  auray  pas  put  souhaiter  une  autre 
que  celle  quil  luy  a  plut  de  me  choisir."  "  She 
has  surpassed  all  my  expectation,"  James  told 
Ormonde.  He  proved  but  a  dismal  husband  for  a 
girlish,  light-hearted  wife.  But  Clementina  was 
not  yet  desillusiomiee. 


2—2 


CHAPTER  II 
YOUTH  (1720 — 1745) 

The  Real  and  Traditional  Charles— His  Birth,  Decem- 
ber 31,  1720 — "A  fine,  promising  Child  " — That  he 
should  be  sent  to  Scotland  suggested — Clementina's 
Grievances — Charles's  lusty  Growth — Learning  the 
Violin — Chevalier  Ramsay  engaged  as  his  Tutor,  1724. 
— Murray  and  Sheridan  replace  Ramsay — Charles 
sees  the  Pope — His  "Heretic"  Training — Birth  of 
Prince  Henry,  1725 — Clementina  quarrels  with  James, 
and  withdraws  to  a  Convent — The  Pope  rebukes 
James — Charles  repeats  his  Catechism  to  the  Pope 
— James  at  Bologna,  1726  —  Reconciliation  with 
Clementina,  1727 — Death  of  George  I. — James  in 
Lorraine — Clementina  refuses  to  join  him  at  Avignon 
— Hopeless  state  of  the  Jacobite  Party — Charles's 
Proficiency  in  Sport — Is  "Out  of  the  Hand  of  his 
Governors,"  1733 — His  inijacite  brutale — At  the 
Siege  of  Gaeta,  1734 — His  Conduct  thereat — Likely 
to  be  a  "Dangerous  Enemy"  to  the  Hanoverian 
Establishment — Death  of  Clementina,  1735 — Charles 
"  Wonderfully  Thoughtless  " — Marriage  suggested — 
Tour  in  Italy,  1737 — War  Clouds,  1739 — Charles 
"  wearied  "  of  Italy — His  Musical  Tastes — Wears  the 
Highland  Dress  at  the  Carnival,  1741 — Renewal  of 
28 


YOUTH  (1720—1745)  21 

the  Jacobite  Association  in  Scotland — Charles  invited 
to  France,  1743 — His  Journey  thither,  1744 — At 
Gravelines — Destruction  of  the  French  Transport 
Fleet  —  Charles  incognito  in  Paris  —  Murray  of 
Broughton  visits  him — He  is  resolved  to  go  to 
Scotland — His  Parable  of  the  Horse. 

"  T  T  is  sayd  of  trouth,  that  al  buyldynges  are 
J.  masoned  and  wroughte  of  dyverse  stones, 
and  all  great  ryvers  are  gurged  and  assemblede  of 
diverse  surges  and  sprynges  of  water ;  in  lykewyse 
all  sciences  are  extraught  and  compiled  of  diverse 
clerkes  ;  of  that  one  wryteth,  another  paraventure 
is  ignorant ;  but  by  the  famous  wrytyng  of  auncient 
auctours,  all  thynges  ben  knowen  in  one  place 
or  other."  So  writes  Froissart,  early  master  of 
historical  method.  Yet  some  characters  have 
resisted  and  will  survive  the  rigid  methods  of 
the  schools ;  for  History  battles  unequally  with 
Romance.  Prince  Charles  is  one  of  them.  One 
sees  him  always  through  an  obscuring  haze  of 
romance  and  tradition.  Yet  he  was,  after  all, 
very  human,  a  high-spirited  lad,  rash  and  impetuous 
to  a  fault,  and  later  a  man  broken  by  despair  and 
irksome  inactivity,  an  hommc  sauvage,  addicted  to 
the  "  nasty  bottle,"  ill-treating  his  mistress,  a 
brute  to  his  wife,  and  generally  his  own  worst 
enemy.  Such  a  picture,  for  all  the  sad  truth 
of  it,  will  never  wholly  supplant  the  more 
generous  one  which  the  hearts  of  thousands 


22         THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

have  framed  and  will  frame  to  the  end  of  the 
chapter. 

Charles,  Spes  Ultima  of  a  stricken  cause,  was 
born  at  Rome,  appropriately  enough,  upon  the 
last  day  of  the  old  year  1 720.  His  birth,  declared 
Atterbury,  was  "  the  most  acceptable  news  which 
can  reach  the  ears  of  a  good  Englishman."  Mind- 
ful of  the  shadow  on  his  own  birth,  James  carefully 
guarded  his  son  against  the  like  suspicion.  The 
Cardinal  Protectors  of  England,  Scotland,  Ireland, 
France,  and  others  were  present  to  attest  the 
genuineness  of  the  infant  Spes  Britannia;.  The 
Pope  gave  his  blessing  and  consecrated  baby-linen. 
The  Palazzo  dei  Santi  Apostoli  was  made  over 
to  the  young  parents.  It  was  Charles's  home  in 
his  early  years,  and  thither  he  returned  after  his 
father's  death,  broken  and  debased.  The  child 
waxed  strong  and  lusty :  was  he  not  a  Sobieski  ? 
Yet,  according  to  John  Walton,  the  English  Agent 
in  Italy,  Charles  was  "d'une  sante  qui  de  jour  en 
jour  montre  plus  d'imperfections  "!  His  legs  were 
deformed,  and  he  was  not  likely  to  live  long  !  In 
spite  of  himself,  Charles  lived  nearly  seventy  years. 
Walton  was  a  bad  prophet.  An  English  traveller 
at  Rome,  perhaps  Lord  Blandford,  saw  the  baby  in 
1721 — "really  a  fine  promising  child."  The  women 
"  kept  such  a  racket "  that  the  visitor  was  forced 
to  kiss  Charles's  pudgy  hand.  "The  Princess 
[Clementina]  laught  very  heartily,  and  told  us 


YOUTH  (1720—1745)  23 

shee  question'd  but  the  day  would  come  that  we 
should  not  be  sorry  to  have  made  so  early  acquaint- 
ance with  her  Son.  I  thought  myself  under  a 
necessity  of  making  her  a  Complement,  that  being 
Hers  he  could  not  miss  of  being  good  and  happy." 
Clementina  had  little  liberty  to  guide  her  son 
to  that  savoir-vivre  which  Walton  thought  was  her 
own  charm.  For  James  was  King  even  in  the 
nursery.  He  engaged  the  nurses  and  watched 
their  conduct  critically.  "  Prudence,  a  reasonable 
knowledge  of  the  world,  and  a  principle  of  obedi- 
ence, attachment,  and  submission  to  me,"  he  wrote 
to  Mar  (April  1,  1721),  were  the  qualities  he  de- 
manded of  them.  Yet  Mrs.  Hughes,  Charles's 
Welsh  nurse,  dabbled  in  Christopher  Layer's  hare- 
brained scheme  to  send  over  baby  Charles  to 
Scotland  while  Ormonde  did  brave  deeds  in 
London.  Apart  from  Layer,  Charles's  up-bringing 
in  Scotland  was  mooted  to  James.  James  con- 
sulted the  oracles,  his  confessors.  The  scheme 
was  hazardous,  they  objected,  and  advised  the 
sending  a  pseudo  Charles  to  Scotland.  The  real 
Prince  meanwhile  could  grow  up  safely  at  Rome, 
ready  at  the  fitting  time  to  replace  his  dummy 
over  the  water.  John  Hay,  who  had  been  with 
Mar  in  the  '15,  and  was  later  a  cause  of  division 
in  James's  household,  quashed  the  silly  scheme. 
James's  confessors,  he  declared  truly,  "  knew 
nothing  of  English  affairs,  and  that  their  blind 


24  THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

zeal  would  ruin  all."  Even  the  least  discerning 
Hanoverian  glibly  bracketed  the  Pope,  the  Devil, 
and  Pretender  in  congenial  alliance.  But  to  give 
James  his  due,  he  was  far  from  intolerant.  He 
conceded  to  others,  as  he  claimed  for  himself, 
freedom  to  worship  as  conscience  directed.  For 
political  reasons  he  was  even  willing  that  his  son 
should  not  be  wholly  excluded  from  Protestant 
influence.  The  concession  added  another  grief  to 
Clementina's  plaintive  lot.  Her  life  was  dull,  her 
husband  a  recluse.  James  was  masterful ;  even 
the  management  of  her  child  was  denied  her. 
She  leant  a  willing  ear  to  those  who  cavilled  at 
his,  to  them,  lax  religious  training.  It  grew  to  a 
grievance,  and  coloured  her  opinion  of  those  on 
whom  her  husband  most  relied,  James  Murray 
(Lord  Dunbar),  and  Hay  (Lord  Inverness). 

Nursery  plots  could  not  hinder  Charles's  lusty 
growth.  "  The  Prince  is  the  finest  child  in  the 
world,"  declared  Hay  (July,  1723).  He  was 
approaching  his  third  birthday,  with  a  sturdy  pair 
of  legs  and  precocious  activity,  running  about 
"  from  morning  till  night  "  in  the  old  palace. 
His  first  letter  to  his  father  records  his  promise  to 
be  "  very  Dutifull  to  Mamma  and  not  jump  too  near 
her"!  Charles's  strength  was  neither  now  nor 
later  to  sit  still.  To  the  sedentary  James  his  son 
must  have  been  something  of  a  puzzle,  but  not  an 
annoyance.  Hay  describes  him  as  a  "  diversion  " 


YOUTH  (1720-1745)  25 

to  the  King  and  Queen,  adding  pathetically,  "and, 
indeed,  they  have  little  other."  Already  in  his 
fourth  year  he  was  playing  the  fiddle,  and  did  it 
"continually."  In  later  life  he  blew  the  French 
horn  and  practised  the  bag-pipes.  He  was  "con- 
tinually in  motion,"  a  bundle  of  mischief,  and  too 
much  for  his  women-folk.  Early  in  1724  the 
erudite  Chevalier  Ramsay  was  brought  to  Rome 
to  take  him  in  hand.  But  the  puerilities  of 
Jacobite  intrigue  robbed  Charles  of  an  able  tutor. 
Mar  had  recently  lost  his  master's  favour,  and 
Ramsay  was  suspected  of  being  his  agent.  In  the 
autumn  of  1724  he  gave  up  his  post  and  returned 
to  Paris.  Charles's  education  was  transferred  to 
Murray  and  Thomas  Sheridan.  For  Tom  Sheridan 
Charles  had  a  kindly  feeling  in  the  days  to  come. 
He  was  one  of  the  "  Seven  Men  of  Moidart "  in  the 
'45,  when  Charles  took  excellent  care  of  him,  even 
to  the  airing  of  his  sheets!  Murray  was  a  Protes- 
tant, and  Clementina's  anxiety  increased  apace.  His 
malign  influence,  perhaps,  was  detected  in  his  pupil's 
sad  deportment  to  the  Pope.  Charles  was  taken 
(autumn,  1724)  to  the  Vatican.  The  Pope  gave 
him  audience  in  the  gardens.  James  and  Clemen- 
tina made  their  homage,  but  Charles  was  fractious. 
His  conduct,  says  Mr.  Ewald  ridiculously,  was  "an 
offensive  exhibition  of  Protestantism"!  The  child 
was  not  four.  But  he  acted  in  keeping  with  his 
later  attitude  towards  Rome.  Experience  taught 


26          THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

him  that  James's  tutelage  to  Rome  was  his 
enemy's  best  asset.  So  he  neglected  his  father, 
and  quarrelled  with  his  Cardinal  brother.  And  in 
temperament  Charles  was  not  religious ;  he  was  too 
full-blooded  for  precocious  piety.  His  patchwork 
training  induced  indifference.  Aggressive  Pro- 
testantism may  have  been  instilled  into  him.  Je 
me  Jiche  des  pretres :  Les  Homes  sont  de  grands 
frippons :  La  Messe  a  coute  trots  royaumes  a  mon 
grand  pere.  Such  axioms  may,  as  it  is  asserted, 
have  headed  his  copy-book.  They  bore  fruit  later, 
but  in  short  frocks  Charles  surely  had  barely 
digested  them. 

At  Charles's  birth  Walton  had  been  assured 
"par  plusieurs  dames,  connoisseuses  dans  le  metier 
de  faire  des  enfants,  que  la  Princesse  Sobieski,  a 
juger  du  present  etat  de  sa  sante,  n'en  fera  point 
d'autres."  The  fiction  matched  that  of  Charles's 
jambes  estropiees.  On  March  6,  1725,  Clementina 
bore  her  second  and  last  child,  Henry  Benedict 
Maria,  the  future  Cardinal.  In  Charles  one  detects 
the  temperament  of  his  mother.  Henry  was  James's 
boy,  devot  like  his  father,  lacking,  as  Charles  once 
twitted  him,  his  own  "  popular  air,"  but  with  his 
father's  high-mindedness,  a  quality  in  which 
Charles  was  sadly  deficient.  There  was  some 
talk  of  sending  Henry  to  Madrid  to  be  brought 
up  under  the  eye  of  that  Court,  and  to  keep  it 
in  remembrance  of  the  exiles.  Politically,  the 


YOUTH  (1720—1745)  27 

proposal  was  sensible,  but  Clementina's  mother- 
hood revolted.  James  was  hereditarily  disposed, 
as  Lockhart  complains,  to  "skrew  up  the  pre- 
rogatives of  a  soveraign  and  a  husband."  Soon 
after  Henry's  birth  the  relations  of  the  ill- 
matched  pair  reached  a  crisis.  It  is  difficult  to 
see  to  the  bottom  of  the  stupid  quarrel.  Clemen- 
tina was  overwrought,  and  James's  attitude  of 
complacent  rectitude  was  certainly  exasperating. 
By  nature,  too,  she  was  jealous.  At  Bologna, 
after  her  flight  from  Innsbruck,  she  had  "  flushed 
vermilion "  when  she  saw  the  portrait  of  one 
with  whom  James's  name  had  been  coupled. 
Neglected  by  her  husband,  she  convinced  herself 
that  he  was  unfaithful.  Mrs.  Hay  (Lady  Inver- 
ness), the  sister  of  Murray,  she  believed  to  be 
her  rival.  Her  own  conduct  gave  colour  to  the 
accusation  and  damaged  James's  cause  and  char- 
acter considerably.  Hay  believed  Mrs.  Sheldon, 
Charles's  nurse,  whom  James  had  dismissed,  to  be 
at  the  bottom  of  the  embroglio.  James  supposed 
that  Clementina  was  the  unsuspecting  agent  of 
Mar's  intrigues,  or  Alberoni's.  Whoever  was 
Clementina's  adviser,  she  resolved  to  stay  with 
James,  no  longer,  and  on  November  15,  1725, 
withdrew  to  the  Convent  of  the  Ursuline  nuns. 
The  institution  had  been  founded  by  Mary  of 
Modena's  mother,  and  was  the  object  of  that 
Queen's  solicitude.  It  was  linked  closely  with 


28  THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

the  fortunes  of  the  exiled  Stuarts.  Charles's 
wife,  more  sinned  against  and  sinning  than 
Clementina,  found  a  refuge  there  in  1780,  when 
she,  too,  fled  from  her  husband.  James  followed 
his  wife  with  letters  of  remonstrance,  written  for 
publication  and  published.  Husband  and  wife  were 
at  a  deadlock.  James  complained  to  the  Princess 
Constantine  Sobieska  (December  1,  1725)  that 
Clementina  had  listened  "  neither  to  reason,  duty, 
nor  interest."  To  her  sister  Clementina  declared 
that  she  would  rather  "  suffer  death  "  than  con- 
tinue to  live  with  "persons  that  have  no  religion, 
honour,  nor  conscience."  Public  sympathy  was 
with  her.  From  all  quarters  remonstrances  were 
addressed  to  the  distracted  James.  The  Pope 
protested  against  his  "  concubinage  !"  James 
burst  with  anger  ;  "  le  porteur  du  tel  compliment 
courrait  risque  de  descendre  par  la  fenetre  au 
lieu  de  1'escalier " !  Le  porteur  was  a  Bishop  ! 
So  the  miserable  squabble  continued.  James  was 
willing  to  pardon,  but  Clementina  must  appear, 
like  the  burghers  of  Calais,  with  patent  marks 
of  subjection  before  her  King.  Clementina  was 
too  entette  to  make  the  sacrifice.  For  a  year  and 
a  half  the  two  remained  estranged. 

In  the  autumn  of  1726  James  turned  his  back 
upon  Rome  and  its  unisonous  chorus  of  condemna- 
tion. Before  his  departure  for  Bologna  he  took 
Charles  to  another  audience  (September  10)  of  the 


YOUTH  (1720—1745)  29 

Pope.  This  time  the  boy  behaved  with  exemplary 
propriety,  and  repeated  his  Catechism.  James  no 
doubt  desired  to  convince  the  Pope  that  his  heretic 
son  had  the  rudiments  of  a  good  Catholic.  His 
Holiness  was  pleased,  but  on  the  eve  of  James's 
departui'e  sent  to  him  three  Cardinals,  who  told 
him  plainly,  that  he  would  not  be  suffered  to 
establish  himself  permanently  at  Bologna  if  his 
object  was  to  escape  from  his  wife  and  to  obtain 
a  freer  hand  for  conducting  his  children's  educa- 
tion. James  made  no  answer  to  the  homily. 
But  at  Bologna,  removed  from  the  scene  of  his 
recent  humiliation,  he  had  opportunity  to  reflect. 
Papal  displeasure,  if  continued,  meant  the  loss  or 
curtailment  of  his  pension.  Charles  learnt  the 
same  fact  in  1780.  With  James,  unlike  Charles, 
fidelity  to  those  who  served  him  faithfully  was 
one  of  his  most  sterling  qualities.  Of  Hay  he  had 
a  "  great  and  good  opinion,"  as  he  told  Lockhart. 
But  Hay  for  the  moment  endangered  his  "  law- 
suit," and  James  bowed  to  necessity.  In  March, 
1727,  he  parted  from  him  regretfully.  Hay  re- 
moved, Clementina  was  ready  to  join  her  husband. 
Upon  receiving  an  affectionate  letter  from  him 
she  had,  it  was  said,  "  fainted  straight  away." 
In  June,  1727,  she  left  her  convent  to  join  James 
at  Bologna.  But  James  was  elsewhere.  In  1719 
he  had  lingered  in  Spain  while  his  young  wife 
awaited  him  in  Italy.  Now  she  was  coming  to 


3o          THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

him  a  second  time,  and  his  "law-suit"  again 
held  him  absent.  George  the  I.'s  death  had 
drawn  him  to  Lorraine  in  futile  quest  of  some- 
thing to  his  advantage.  But  dapper  George  II. 
succeeded  unopposed  to  his  father's  throne,  and 
"  all  parties,"  says  Lockhart  despairingly,  "  made 
court  to  him."  Warned  to  leave  Lorraine,  James 
withdrew  to  Avignon.  Thither  he  summoned 
Clementina  to  him.  She  refused,  probably  sus- 
picious of  the  Hays.  Soon  after  James  quitted 
Avignon  and  joined  her  at  Rome.  The  royal 
couple  were  reconciled,  but  Lockhart  of  Carn- 
wath,  putting  down  his  pen  in  that  year  (1728), 
despaired  of  the  future :  "  Whilst  no  party  is 
acting  for  his  interest,  no  projects  formed,  nothing 
done  to  keep  up  the  spirits  of  the  people,  the  old 
race  drops  off  by  degrees,  and  a  new  one  sprouts 
up,  who,  having  no  particular  byass  to  the  King, 
as  knowing  litle  more  of  him  than  what  the 
public  news  papers  bear,  enter  on  the  stage  with 
a  perfect  indifference,  at  least  coolness  towards 
him  and  his  cause,  which  consequently  must 
daylie  languish  and  in  process  of  time  be  tottally 
forgot."  Lockhart  could  hardly  discern  the  young 
Siegfried  of  the  cause  in  the  brown-eyed  child 
of  eight,  jumping  discreetly  and  "  not  too  near 
Mamma,"  in  the  palace  at  Rome. 

Mrs.    Hughes,    Mrs.    Sheldon,    the    Chevalier 
Ramsay,  and  Hay  had  each  had  a  brief  turn  at 


YOUTH  (1720—1745)  31 

forming  Charles's  character.  A  Mr.  Stafford  now 
(October,  1728)  took  Murray's  place  as  tutor. 
He  served  Charles  for  many  years,  until  his 
master's  lean  purse  hung  him  up  high  and  dry  in 
Charles's  discarded  house  at  Avignon.  In  spite 
of  a  dull  home  and  an  absent  mother  Charles  had 
grown  in  strength  and  energy,  if  not  in  grace. 
Early  in  1727  his  cousin,  the  Due  de  Liria,  was  a 
guest  at  the  Palazzo  dei  Santi  Apostoli.  He 
describes  the  brothers,  exaggerating  their  virtues, 
one  suspects.  Charles,  "  besides  his  great  beauty, 
was  remarkable  for  dexterity,  grace,  and  almost 
supernatural  cleverness."  He  could  read  fluently, 
knew  his  Catechism,  spoke  English,  French,  and 
Italian  "perfectly,"  sat  his  horse  well,  was  a  first- 
rate  shot,  and  generally  ' '  the  most  ideal  Prince  I 
have  ever  met  in  the  course  of  my  life"!  Henry 
was  "a  prodigy  of  beauty  and  strength."  Another 
observer  (James  Edgar,  Mr.  Lang  suggests)  repeats 
the  Due  de  Liria's  eulogy  in  a  letter  of  March  22, 
1727.  Charles,  one  learns,  "has  a  stable  of  little 
horses."  At  "shooting,  the  tennis,  shuttlecock, 
etc.,"  he  was  "most  alert."  "A  gentleman  in 
town  has  prepared  a  Caccia  of  pigeons  and  hares 
to  be  shot  by  him  this  afternoon."  As  a  dancer 
"  he  bore  his  part  at  the  balls  in  the  carnival  as  if 
he  were  already  a  man."  Jean  Faure  had  taught 
James  the  art  in  his  younger  years.  Charles 
excelled  in  more  strenuous  pursuits.  He  was  pro- 


32  THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

ficient  at  golf.  Later  he  patronized  the  "  ring,"  and 
scandalized  Papal  Avignon  by  his  boxing  matches. 
He  was,  in  fact,  preposterously  healthy  and  active. 
Study  caught  but  a  fraction  of  his  interest.  His 
body  was  at  his  desk,  his  mind  out  of  window. 

At  the  age  of  thirteen  (1733)  Charles,  as  the 
Earl    Marischal   observes,  "had    got   out   of  the 
hands   of   his   governors."     A    story  retailed    by 
Walton  in  October,  1733,  seems  to  point  the  fact. 
In  a  towering  temper  Charles  threatened  to  kick 
and  even  to  kill  Murray  (Dunbar).     "  On  a  observe 
dans  cette  occasion  la  vivacite  brutale   du  jeune 
homme,"  comments   Walton.      Mr.  Ewald  is   in- 
credulous, but  Charles's  wife  and  mistress  knew 
his  vivacite  brutale  to  their  cost  in   the    days    to 
come.     It  was  high  time  to  send  him  into  a  larger 
world  to  adjust  his  perspective.     The  opportunity 
arrived  in  1734.     In  the  spring  Don   Carlos  and 
the  Spaniards  invaded  the  Two  Sicilies,  marching 
from  Tuscany  through  the  Papal  States  to  Naples. 
The  Austrian  troops  had  been  largely  withdrawn 
to  the  Polish  frontier,  and  Don  Carlos  met  with 
but  feeble  resistance.    But  Gaeta — hard  by  Cicero's 
villa — refused  to  surrender,  and  the  Spaniards  sat 
down  to  besiege  the  place.     The  Due  de  Liria, 
then  serving  under  Don  Carlos,  took  the  oppor- 
tunity to  visit  Rome,  and  invited  (June  18,  1734) 
Charles   to  accompany  him   back   to   the   army. 
Charles's  delight  one   can  imagine.     James,  too, 


YOUTH  (1720-1745)  33 

was  willing.     The  Pope  gave  his  blessing,  but  no 
xcudi.      On    July    27,    1734,   Charles    left    Rome 
incognito  as  the  Chevalier  de  St.  George,  followed 
by  his  father's  hope  that  he  might  one  day  be 
"both  a  great  and  a  good  man."     Murray,  whose 
shins    or  nether   anatomy  Chai'les  had   so  lately 
threatened,  and   Sheridan  went  with   him.     Two 
Spanish  friars,  a  surgeon,  and  four  servants  com- 
pleted  his  "family."     Don   Carlos  received    him 
with  distinction,  and  appointed  him  to  an  honorary 
command,  with  a  stipend  to  support  it.     The  Due 
de  Liria  glowed  with  praise  of  his  kinsman's  con- 
duct.    He  assured  his  brother,  the  Due  de  Fitz- 
james,  that  Charles  had  hurried  to  the  trenches 
immediately  upon  his  arrival,  and  showed  a  lofty 
unconcern    for    cannon-shot  "hissing    about    his 
ears."     Liria's    house   was    riddled,   but    Charles 
insisted  upon  remaining  in  it  "  a  very  considerable 
time, with  an  undisturbed  countenance."  "Valour," 
wrote  the   Due,  "does  not  wait  for  number   of 
years."      Charles,    in    a   word,  was  "adored    by 
officers  and  soldiers,"  and  even  the  stoutest  and 
most   uncompromising   Hanoverians  "would  soon 
change  their  way  of  thinking"  had  they  witnessed 
the  Prince's  resolution  and  courage.     The  lad  had 
undoubtedly  shown   pluck.     He  never  failed   in 
that  quality.     Lord  Elcho,  the  Chevalier  de  John- 
stone,  and  others  who  accused  him  of  cowardice 
in  '4 5j  attacked  him  on  the  least  vulnerable  side  of 
3 


34  THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

his  character.  From  Gaeta  Charles  proceeded  to 
Naples.  He  went  by  ship,  and  on  the  voyage — 
the  story  is  reported  by  De  Brosses — his  hat  fell 
into  the  sea.  A  boat  was  on  the  point  of  being 
lowered,  but  Charles  forbade  a  rescue.  "  I  shall 
be  obliged  before  long  to  go  and  fetch  myself  a 
hat  in  England,"  he  said.  The  story  is  possibly 
ben  irovato.  But  the  boy's  first  taste  of  action  had 
edged  his  life  with  a  purpose.  Meanwhile  at 
Naples  he  thoroughly  enjoyed  himself.  James 
(September  3,  1734)  suggested  greater  care  in 
his  diet !  By  the  middle  of  September  he  had 
returned  to  his  father.  "  Everybody,"  admitted 
Walton,  "  says  that  he  will  be  in  time  a  far  more 
dangerous  enemy  to  the  present  establishment  of 
the  Government  of  England  than  ever  his  father 
was." 

A  few  months  after  Charles's  return  Clementina 
died.  Between  the  bright  young  face  of  Tre- 
visani's  (?)  picture  and  its  sad,  nun-like  look  in 
James  Edgar's  miniature  there  is  a  contrast 
eloquent  of  sadness  and  broken  hopes.  With 
Hay  she  had  buried  the  hatchet  (January,  1731), 
and  after  her  reconciliation  with  James  had 
found,  like  himself,  her  consolation  in  religion. 
Johann  Keysler,  who  saw  her  shortly  before  her 
death,  thought  her  "too  pale  and  thin  to  be 
reckoned  a  handsome  woman."  She  seldom  left 
her  palace,  he  declares,  "  unless  it  be  to  visit  a 


YOUTH  (1720—1745)  35 

convent  out  of  devotion."  In  the  early  days  of 
1735  James  told  Hay  that  she  was  sinking,  "with 
a  tranquillity,  a  piety,  and  a  peace  which  is,  with 
reason,  a  great  comfort  to  me  in  my  present 
situation."  On  January  18,  1735,  she  died. 
Benedict  XIV.  raised  a  monument  to  her  in 
St.  Peter's,  and  a  bronze  medal  was  struck  to 
commemorate  her  death.  It  bore  Benedict's  bust 
and  the  monument  he  had  raised  to  her.  A  few 
years  later  Lady  Mary  Wortley  Montagu,  while  at 
Rome,  lighted  on  the  strange  information  that 
Benedict  had  been  Clementina's  lover !  As  Mr. 
Lang  remarks,  "There  is  nothing  like  getting 
information  on  the  spot !" 

Save  that  John  Sobieski's  blood  passed  to  him 
through  her,  Charles  had  been  but  little  influenced 
by  his  mother.  And  between  Charles  and  his 
father  there  was  little  in  common.  The  old  King 
radiated  an  atmosphere  of  impeccable  infallibility. 
He  exacted  an  unreasoning  compliance  with  his 
own  views  of  life  and  conduct.  He  was  grave, 
pompous,  and  very  well  meaning.  Charles,  one 
imagines,  was  somewhat  afraid  of  his  glum  parent, 
though  in  later  years  he  treated  him  with 
scant  respect.  Yet  James  never  wavered  in  his 
affection  for  his  first-born  ;  Charles  was  ever  his 
"dearest  Carluccio,"  though  Henry  best  fulfilled 
his  own  standard  of  character.  For  Henry  was 
"thoughtful,"  and  in  time  developed  a  "  vocation." 
3—2 


36  THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

Charles,  his  father  thought,  was  "wonderfully 
thoughtless."  He  was  still  in  his  teens,  but 
marriage  might  sober  him.  A  Spanish  Infanta 
was  asked  for  and  refused.  A  visit  to  Poland 
was  planned  and  abandoned,  and  eventually 
James  resolved  to  send  the  boy  upon  a  tour 
through  Italy.  The  tour  was  incognito,  and 
Charles  was  to  travel  as  the  Count  of  Albany. 
Henry  Goring,  whom  he  requited  miserably  in 
the  future ;  Strickland,  who  went  to  Scotland  in 
the  '45  ;  and  Murray  were  with  him. 

On  April  22,  1 737,  Charles  set  out  from  Rome. 
At  Bologna  he  stayed  for  a  couple  of  days,  and 
danced  at  a  ball  in  his  honour.  On  May  6  he 
arrived  at  Parma,  where  the  veteran  of  Gaeta 
inspected  the  troops,  and  passed  on  to  other 
festivities  at  Piacenza,  and  thence  to  Genoa,  Milan, 
and  Venice.  At  the  last  he  was  received  with 
royal  honours,  had  audience  of  the  Doge,  and  sat 
on  the  Bench  of  Princes  in  the  Grand  Council. 
England,  following  his  tour  closely,  retaliated 
by  dismissing  the  Venetian  Resident  from  St. 
James's.  Through  Padua,  Ferrara,  and  Bologna 
he  proceeded  to  Florence,  where  Fane,  the 
English  Envoy,  checked  a  disposition  to  follow 
Venice's  example.  Lucca,  Pisa,  and  Leghorn 
completed  the  tour.  It  had  no  doubt  consider- 
ably widened  Charles's  horizon,  and  induced  a 
deeper  longing  for  that  activity  which,  save  for 


YOUTH  (1720—1745)  37 

his  one  great  adventure,  churly  Fate  denied 
him. 

After  a  long  period  of  obscuration  the  Jacobite 
cause  was  on  the  eve  of  a  revival.  With  the 
accession  of  Spain  to  the  Quadruple  Alliance  in 
January,  1 720,  Europe  had  for  the  time  turned  its 
back  upon  the  exiled  Stuarts.  "  All  the  King's 
[James's]  then  schemes  and  projects  were  at  ane 
end,"  writes  Lockhart,  "  as  the  affairs  and  views 
of  almost  all  the  princes  of  Europe  took  a  quite 
different  turn,  and  their  designs  in  favor  of  the 
King  were  superceded."  Walpole's  consistent 
refusal  to  be  drawn  into  war  was  a  further  blow 
to  the  Jacobite  cause,  and  year  by  year  the  throne 
of  the  Hanoverian  stood  firmer.  In  the  War  of 
the  Polish  Election,  in  which  Charles  had  won  his 
spurs,  England  took  no  part.  But  in  1739  the 
egregious  Jenkins  plunged  England  into  war 
with  Spain.  A  year  later  the  death  of  the 
Emperor  Charles  VI.  opened  the  flood-gates  of 
war  throughout  Europe.  The  Jacobite  bogey, 
long  disused,  was  again  invited  from  its  corner. 

WThile  the  stage  was  slowly  preparing  for  his 
appearance  Charles  remained  quietly  at  Rome, 
but  "  quite  wearied  of  this  country,"  as  his  father 
noticed  (October,  1742).  Sport,  music,  and  dancing 
were  his  chief  diversions.  He  played  the  violon- 
cello "  extremely  well,"  James  thought.  Charles 
De  Brosses  thought  so,  too.  In  1739-40  he  visited 


38  THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

Home.  The  two  brothers,  he  writes,  "  sont  tous 
deux  passionnes  pour  la  musique,  et  la  savent 
parfaitement ;  1'aine  joue  tres  bien  du  violoncelle  ; 
le  second  chante  les  airs  italiens  avec  une  jolie 
petite  voix  d'enfant  du  meilleur  gout ;  ils  ont  une 
fois  la  semaine  un  concert  exquis  :  c'est  la  meil- 
leure  musique  de  Rome,  je  n'y  manque  jamais. 
Hier,  j'entrai  pendant  qu'on  executait  le  fameux 
concerto  de  Corelli,  appele  la  nottc  di  natale ;  je 
temoignai  du  regret  de  n'etre  pas  arrive  plus  tot 
pour  1'entendre  en  entier.  Lorsqu'il  fut  fini  et 
qu'on  voulut  passer  a  autre  chose,  le  prince  de 
Galles  dit :  '  Non,  attendez ;  recommen9ons  ce 
concerto ;  je  viens  d'oui'r  dire  a  M.  De  Brosses 
qu'il  serait  bien  aise  de  1'entendre  tout  entier.' ' 
"  Je  vous  rapporte  volontiers  ce  trait,"  De  Brosses 
adds,  "qui  marque  beaucoup  de  politesse  et  de 
bonte."  In  February,  1741,  we  hear  of  Charles  at 
a  carnival  ball,  "  masked  in  a  fine  complete 
Highland  Dress,  wch  become  him  very  well." 
He  did  not  return  home  "  till  day  light."  Again, 
he  has  slept  in  a  chair  all  night  "  that  he  might 
not  lose  a  whole  Day's  Shooting."  "  What  a 
pleasure  would  it  be,"  wrote  one  of  his  entourage, 
"  to  see  better  game  than  shooting  of  quails  !" 

The  outbreak  of  the  War  of  the  Austrian  Suc- 
cession led  at  once  to  a  quickening  of  the  moribund 
Jacobite  party.  John  Murray  of  Broughton  was 
officially  constituted  (1740)  James's  agent  in 


YOUTH  (1720-1745)  39 

Scotland,  and  in  1741  a  Jacobite  Association  was 
formed.  William  Drummond  of  Balhaldy  and 
Lord  Sempill  represented,  or  misrepresented,  its 
views  and  interests  in  France.  Fleury  maintained* 
however,  a  somewhat  equivocal  attitude,  and  his 
death  in  January,  1743,  removed  one  from  whom, 
probably,  the  Stuarts  had  little  to  expect.  His 
place  was  taken  by  Cardinal  Tencin,  who  owed  his 
Hat  to  James,  and  from  whom  more  was  expected. 
Resolute  to  employ  his  whole  armoury  against 
England,  Tencin  proposed  (June,  1743)  to  James 
that  Charles  should  come  to  France,  to  be  ready 
for  action  should  the  opportunity  occur.  Not 
over-sanguine  of  the  result,  James  consented. 

Charles's  departure  from  Rome  was  planned 
with  complicated  secrecy.  He  had  his  fill  of 
mysteries  and  secret  comings  and  goings  in  the 
future,  and  began  his  long  chapter  of  adventure 
appropriately  enough.  A  shooting  party  was 
planned  for  January  11,  1744,  at  Cisterna.  Early 
in  the  morning  of  the  9th  Charles  started  from 
Rome.  According  to  the  ungenuine  Genuine 
Memoirs  of  John  Murray,  Esq.,  Charles  embraced 
his  father,  declaring  :  "  I  go,  Sire,  in  search  of 
three  crowns,  which  I  doubt  not  but  to  have  the 
honour  and  happiness  of  laying  at  your  Majesty's 
feet.  If  I  fail  in  the  attempt,  your  next  sight  of 
me  shall  be  in  my  coffin."  "Heaven  forbid!" 
cried  James,  "that  all  the  crowns  of  the  world 


40  THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

should  rob  me  of  my  son."     From  that  winter 
morning  James  never  saw  his  son  again.     Outside 
Rome   Charles    changed    his  wig  and  coat,   and, 
abandoning  his  coach  on  the  plea  that  it  was  cold, 
galloped   off  as  if  toward  Albano,   but,   making 
a   detour,    doubled   northwards.     Securing    post- 
horses   and    passports    from    Cardinal    Aquaviva, 
Charles  travelled  in  dirty  weather  to  Massa,  and 
on  by  barque  to  Genoa.     Thence  he  took  ship  to 
Savona,  where  he  was  "locked  up" — in  quaran- 
tine, Mr.  Lang  suggests.     He  may  have  been  de- 
tained on  other  grounds.      News  of  his  departure 
from  Rome  had  soon  leaked  out,  though  its  motive 
was  kept  even  from  Henry.     Walton  was  writing 
detailed     accounts    of    Charles's    adventures    on 
January    28,   and   a   week    earlier    (January    22) 
Horace  Mann  sent  a  description  of  him  to  the 
Duke  of  Newcastle  :  "  The  young  man  is  above 
the   middle  height  and  very  thin.     He  wears   a 
light  bag-wig  ;  his  face  is  rather  long,  the  com- 
plexion clear,  but  borders  on  paleness ;  the  fore- 
head very  broad,  the  eyes  fairly  large,  blue  [brown, 
Mr.  Lang  insists],  but  without  sparkle;  the  mouth 
large,  with  the  lips  slightly  curled  ;  and  the  chin 
more   sharp   than   rounded."      But    Charles    had 
covered  his  tracks  by  the  rapidity  of  his  move- 
ments.    For  the  first  five  days  he  neither  slept  not- 
changed  his  clothes.    Until  he  reached  the  frontiers 
of  Tuscany  he  travelled  as  a  Neapolitan  courier  m 


PRINCE  CHARLES 
From  the  painting  attributed  to  Largilliire 


YOUTH  (1720—1745)  41 

route  to  Spain,  and  thenceforward  as  a  Spanish 
officer.  From  Savona  he  ran  through  the  English 
fleet  to  Antibes,  and  hurried  on  post-haste  to 
Paris.  He  arrived  there,  it  is  asserted,  eleven 
days  after  he  left  Rome.  His  servants  were  quite 
rend  us,  he  wrote  to  James  (February  10),  ".and  if 
I  had  been  to  go  much  further  I  should  have 
been  obliged  to  get  them  ty'd  behind  the  chase 
with  my  portmantle." 

Charles  might  have  spared  his  horse-flesh.  His 
breathless  gallop  from  Italy  brought  him  not  to 
activity,  as  he  hoped,  but  to  sixteen  months  of 
weary  waiting.  Louis  expressed  "  great  tender- 
ness "  towards  him,  and  Charles  informed  his  more 
sceptical  father  of  the  fact.  ^*Eneas  Macdonald 
alleges  neglect  on  Louis's  part.  Probably  Charles 
bubbling  over  with  eager  anticipation,  was  easily 
satisfied  with  formal  compliments.  He  went  down 
to  Gravelines  incognito,  conveniently  near  to 
Dunkirk,  where  Marshal  Saxe  was  superintending 
the  equipment  of  an  invading  force.  Meanwhile 
England  had  got  wind  of  the  threatened  attack, 
and  the  Embassy  at  Paris  had  lodged  a  protest 
against  Charles's  presence  on  French  soil.  Loyal 
addresses  were  presented  to  George  II.  Nori- 
jurors  and  Papists  were  roundly  dealt  with.  Sir 
John  Norris  with  a  powerful  fleet  was  ordered  to 
Spithead.  Late  in  February,  1744,  Roqueville 
and  a  French  squadron  reconnoitred.  Spithead 


42  THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

was  drawn  blank,  and  Roqueville  jumped  to  the 
conclusion  that  Norris  was  at  Portsmouth  and  the 
coast  clear.  A  swift  message  apprised  Saxe  at 
Dunkirk.  The  troops  crowded  the  transports,  and 
Charles  at  length  was  en  voyage.  Within  a  few 
hours  the  transports  were  drifting  wrecks,  and 
Roqueville  himself  was  running  before  the  hurri- 
cane. England's  Protestant  winds  become  mono- 
tonous ! 

Despite  the  disaster  Charles  remained  on  at 
Gravelines,  still  hopeful,  and  deep  in  unaccustomed 
correspondence.  "  It  was  fore  a  clock  before  1 
could  get  my  dinner,  by  being  busy,"  he  tells  his 
father  on  March  6 ;  one  letter  alone  "  cost  me 
seven  owers  and  a  half."  Charles  endeavoured  to 
stir  up  the  Earl  Marischal  to  "  push  them  [the 
French  Ministers]  on."  Marischal  thought  him 
hare-brained,  and  politely  snubbed  his  suggestion  of 
going  to  Scotland  "  single."  By  the  end  of  March 
Charles  had  ceased  to  hope  for  anything  further 
from  Louis,  and  had  received  a  polite  hint  that  his 
withdrawal  from  Gravelines  would  be  judicious. 
He  retired  to  Paris,  seemingly.  "Nobody  nose 
where  I  am,"  he  tells  his  father  (April  3),  "or 
what  is  become  of  me,  so  that  I  am  entirely 
Burried  as  to  the  publick,  and  cant  but  say  that  it 
is  a  very  great  constrent  upon  me,  for  I  am 
obliged  very  often  not  to  stur  out  of  my  room,  for 


YOUTH  (1720-1745)  43 

fier  of  some  bodys  noing  my  face.  I  very  often 
think  that  you  would  laugh  very  hartily  if  you  saw 
me  goin  about  with  a  single  servant  bying  fish  and 
other  things  and  squabling  for  a  peney  more  or 
less."  His  debts,  indeed,  were  accumulating,  and 
James  hinted  his  return  to  Rome.  But  that  was 
Charles's  remotest  pis  aller. 

Since  the  failure  of  the  projected  invasion  in 
February,  the  Association  in  Scotland  had  become 
anxious.  In  July,  1744,  Murray  of  Broughton  set 
out  for  Paris  to  learn  what  hope  remained  of  a 
rising.  Murray's  later  career  does  not  inspire 
confidence,  but  if  he  is  to  be  believed,  Charles 
assured  him  that  the  French  design  would  be  put 
into  execution  "  that  Harvest,"  and  that  he  him- 
self was  resolved  to  come  to  Scotland  "  if  he 
brought  only  a  single  Footman  "  with  him.  His 
own  advisers  in  Paris  were  at  sixes  and  sevens. 
"  You  may  well  imagine  how  out  of  Youmer  I 
am,"  he  tells  his  father  (November  16,  1744), 
"when  for  comfort  I  am  plagued  out  of  my  life 
with  tracasi/rs  from  ower  own  People."  Little 
wonder  that  he  took  his  own  course,  made  his  own 
plans,  chose  his  own  confidants,  and  bided  his 
time,  firm  in  the  resolution  he  had  expressed  to 
Murray.  As  he  put  it  to  his  father :  "  I  cannot 
but  mention  a  parable  here,  which  is  that  if  a 
horse,  which  is  to  be  sold,  if  spurred  does  not 


44  THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

skip,  nobody  would  care  to  have  him,  even  for 
nothing ;  just  so  my  friends  would  care  very  little 
to  have  me,  if,  after  such  usage  as  all  the  world  is 
sensible  of,  I  should  not  show  I  have  life  in  me.' 
He  proved  it  with  a  vengeance  ! 


CHAPTER    III 

THE     FORTY-FIVE 

Charles  announces  his  Departure  for  Scotland — His  Equip- 
ment—His Companions — Combat  between  the  Lion 
and  Elizabeth — Charles  lands  at  Eriska — Boisdale 
advises  Him  to  return — Charles  crosses  to  Lochna- 
nuagh — Lochiel  engages  to  raise  the  Camerons — The 
Du  "Teillay  returns  to  France — The  Standard  raised 
at  Glenfinnan — The  Government's  Forces  in  Scotland 
— Early  Hostilities  —  Cope  marches  Northward  — 
Charles  gets  past  Him — At  Perth — Cope  follows  by 
Sea — Charles  summons  Edinburgh— Lochiel  captures 
the  City — Charles  at  Holyrood  —  The  Battle  of 
Prestonpans — The  Duke  of  Cumberland  recalled 
from  Flanders — Charles  resolves  to  invade  England — 
Carlisle  falls — The  Manchester  Regiment — Charles 
reaches  Derby — Reluctantly  sanctions  a  Retreat — 
Clifton  Skirmish — Charles  at  Glasgow — Encouraging 
Situation  in  Scotland — Stirling  surrenders — The  Castle 
defiant  —  Hawley  advances  from  Edinburgh — The 
Battle  of  Falkirk — The  Chiefs  advise  Retreat — 
Charles  withdraws  Northward — The  "  Rout  of  Moy  " 
— Charles  at  Inverness — His  Force  scatters — Cumber- 
land advances  from  Aberdeen — The  Night  March  to 
45 


46  THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

Nairn— Sad    Plight    of  the    Highland    Army— The 
Battle  of  Culloden. 

IT  was,  as  Flora  Maclvor  told  young  Waverley, 
"  one  of  your  saucy   English   poets  "    who 
wrote  of  Scotland's 

"  Bootless  host  of  high-born  beggars, 
Mac-Leans,  Mac-Kenzies,  and  Mac-Gregors." 

On  that  bootless,  motley  host  Charles's  hopes 
were  staked.  His  venture  was  a  mad  one.  Him- 
self a  lad  of  twenty-five,  inexperienced,  neither 
known  by  nor  knowing  those  whom  he  came  to 
lead ;  the  moment  inopportune ;  his  adherents 
unprepared,  even  unwilling  ;  French  support  more 
than  doubtful.  But  the  Highlanders  remained. 
Nearly  a  generation  of  irksome  inactivity  had 
passed  since  the  day  of  Sheriffmuir  and  the  later 
Glenshiel, 

"  But  the  dark  hours  of  night  and  of  slumber  are  past, 
The  morn  on  our  mountains  is  dawning  at  last ; 
Glenaladale's  peaks  are  illumined  with  rays, 
And  the  streams  of  Glenfinnan  leap  bright  in  the  blaze. 

"  Ye  sons  of  the  strong,  when  that  dawning  shall  break, 
Need  the  harp  of  the  aged  remind  you  to  wake  ? 
That  dawn  never  beam'd  on  your  forefathers'  eye, 
But  it  roused  each  high  chieftain  to  vanquish  or  die." 

In  June,  1745,  Charles  was  with  his  friend  the 
Due  de  Bouillon,  heartily  tired  of  the  vacillation 
of  the  French  Court.  Hating  inactivity,  his  pride 


THE  FORTY-FIVE  47 

chafing  at  failure  in  an  enterprise  somewhat  over- 
confidently  begun,  and  reflecting,  possibly,  that 
decisive  action  on  his  own  part  might  spur  Louis's 
halting  purpose,  he  resolved  to  take  the  plunge. 
His  buoyant  nature  was  off  the  curb.  He  would 
come  to  Scotland,  he  had  told  Murray  of  Broughton, 
"  if  he  brought  only  a  single  Footman  "  with  him. 
To  his  father  at  Rome  he  wrote  on  June  1  the 
first  hint  of  his  resolve.  He  had  been  "  invited 
by  our  friends,"  he  represented  ingenuously,  to  go 
to  Scotland,  "  the  only  way  of  restoring  you  to  the 
Crown,  and  them  to  their  liberties."  He  reminded 
his  father  of  his  own  conduct  a  generation  back. 
"  Your  Majesty  cannot  disapprove  a  son's  follow- 
ing the  example  of  his  father,"  he  pleaded.  "  Old 
Mr.  Melancholy's  "  disapproval  his  son  anticipated. 
He  would  have  written  before,  he  continued,  but 
despaired  of  convincing  his  father  that  the  scheme 
was  other  than  "  rash."  To  James  Edgar  he  wrote 
on  the  same  day.  The  lad's  equipment  might 
tempt  a  smile.  He  was  about  to  challenge  the 
might  of  Britain  with  a  few  hundred  muskets  and 
broadswords,  "  twenty  small  field-pieces,  two  of 
which  a  mule  may  carry,"  a  "  good  quantity  "  of 
powder,  balls,  flints,  and  dirks.  Brandy,  too,  was 
in  his  slender  cargo,  and  near  £4,000  in  his  cassette. 
His  good  friends  Routledge  of  Dunkirk  and  An- 
toine  Vincent  Walsh  of  Nantes  had  equipped  him 
"  without  the  knowledge  of  the  French  Court." 


48  THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

They  had  done  more.  Walsh  had  provided  his 
own  ship,  the  Du  Tcilluij  (or  Doutelle),  frigate,  for 
the  young  hero,  and  was  going  in  command  of  her 
himself.  Routledge  had  secured  a  man-of-war, 
the  Elizabeth,  to  "  cruise  on  the  coast  of  Scotland." 
She  would  escort  the  Du  Tcillay  "  without  appear- 
ing to  do  it."  "  I  expect  a  courier  every  moment  " 
from  Nantes,  the  Prince  continued  to  Edgar,  "  with 
an  account  that  all  is  ready  ;  and  then  I  must  lose 
no  time  to  get  there,  and  go  directly  on  board." 
As  to  the  familiar  yet  foreign  land  to  which  he 
was  going,  its  readiness  to  employ  his  muskets  and 
broadswords,  his  plans  for  the  future — these  and  all 
else  but  the  immediate  joy  in  coming  action,  the 
sense  of  doing  something,  were  behind  the  curtain- 
A  note  to  Murray  of  Broughton  that  he  was 
coming,  and  a  desire  that  "  his  Friends  might  be 
informed  of  it,"  was  his  only  communication  to  the 
other  side.  By  every  law  that  rules  success  the 
story  of  the  Forty-five  should  unfold  a  comedy 
did  not  this  sanguine  Prince  and  his  "  bootless 
host "  lift  it  to  romance. 

On  June  22  the  Du  Teillay  sailed  from  Nantes. 
The  Prince  was  on  board  incognito.  In  the  follow- 
ing months  he  was  to  masquerade  as  Betty  Burke, 
Lewie  Caw,  and  "  one  Sinclair."  He  began  the 
adventure  as  the  son  of  his  old  tutor,  Sir  Thomas 
Sheridan.  The  secret  was  strictly  confined  to  his 
immediate  companions  on  board — the  Jacobite 


THE  FORTY-FIVE  49 

Duke  of  Atholl  (the  "high-minded  Moray,  the 
exiled,  the  dear"),  Sir  John  Macdonald,  Colonel 
Strickland,  Captain  O'Sullivan,  the  Non-juring 
parson  George  Kelly,  and  ^Eneas  Macdonald,  the 
Paris  banker,  Kinloch  Moidart's  brother.  They 
pass  in  history  as  "  the  Seven  Men  of  Moidart." 
The  phrase  obscures  their,  for  the  most  part,  Irish 
extraction,  a  blemish,  as  it  proved,  in  the  eyes  of 
Lord  George  Murray  and  other  honest  Scots.  On 
July  4  the  Elizabeth  joined  the  frigate  at  Belle 
Isle,  and  the  next  day  Charles  sailed  to  the  land 
whose  devotion  was  to  enshrine  him  among  the 
world's  immortals.  Three  accounts  of  the  voyage, 
the  log  of  the  DM  Teillay,  and  a  map  of  her  route, 
are  extant.  The  voyage  was  uneventful  until  they 
lay  south-westward  of  the  coast  of  Ireland.  They 
were  nearly  a  week  from  France,  when  late  one 
evening  a  vessel  appeared  in  the  offing,  drew 
nearer,  and  disappeared.  Next  morning  she 
repeated  the  same  tactics,  and  was  identified  as 
H.M.S.  Lion.  Captain  d'Eau,  of  the  Elisabeth, 
scented  battle.  He  came  on  board  the  Du  Teillay 
to  concert  joint  measures.  Walsh  "  answered  him 
civilly,"  but  let  it  be  understood  that  the  Prince's 
safety  was  his  first  consideration,  and  an  engage- 
ment to  be  avoided.  Captain  d'Eau  thought 
otherwise.  He  suspected  that  the  Lion  was 
awaiting  a  consort,  and  judged  it  better  to  fight 
her  while  she  remained  single-handed.  Punc- 
4 


5o  THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

tuating  his  resolve,  he  drew  his  sword  as  he  took 
leave  of  Walsh,  returned  to  his  own  quarter-deck, 
and  prepared  for  action.  For  five  or  six  hours  the 
fight  raged,  until  at  length  the  Lion  sheered  off, 
"  like  a  tub  upon  the  water."  Charles,  watching 
the  engagement,  had  chafed  at  Walsh's  caution, 
and  importuned  him  to  go  to  the  Elizabeth's 
assistance.  Walsh  "  positively  refused,"  and  even 
threatened  to  confine  the  Prince  to  his  cabin.  If 
the  Lion  was  a  helpless  tub,  the  Elisabeth  also  was 
so  seriously  damaged  that  she  was  forced  to  put 
back  to  France.  The  Du  Teillay  proceeded  alone, 
and  not  long  after  parting  from  the  Elizabeth  suc- 
cessfully eluded  two  more  British  men-of-war. 
The  Long  Isle  was  in  the  offing,  when  a  happy 
omen  welcomed  the  adventurers.  An  eagle 
hovered  over  the  vessel.  "Sir,"  said  the  Duke 
of  Atholl,  "  the  king  of  birds  is  come  to  welcome 
your  royal  highness  upon  your  arrival  in  Scotland." 
A  few  hours  later,  on  July  23,  they  landed  at 
Eriska. 

Prince  Charles  had  "taken  seisin  "  of  his  own. 
He  trod  the  soil  of  Scotland.  Appropriately  the 
first  picture  of  him  reveals  the  frank  boyishness 
and  bonhommie  which  won  the  Highlanders. 
Angus  Macdonald's  "mean,  low  hut"  sheltered 
this  heir  of  Kings.  At  the  "  cheek  of  the  little 
ingle,"  upon  a  heap  of  peats,  he  sat  and 
laughed  heartily  as  Duncan  Cameron  played  a 


THE  FORTY-FIVE  51 

clumsy  and  unaccustomed  role  as  cook.  After 
supper — flouiidei-s  sans  legumes,  "  not  a  grain  of 
meal  or  one  inch  of  bread  " — Charles's  first  care 
was  for  his  "  father,"  Sheridan,  even  to  the  in- 
spection of  Angus's  store  of  bed-linen.  The  peat 
smoke  was  trying,  and  the  wakeful  Prince  "  was 
obliged  to  go  often  to  the  door  for  fresh  air." 
"  What  a  plague  is  the  matter  with  that  fellow," 
muttered  Angus  indignantly,  "  that  he  can  neither 
sit  nor  stand  still,  and  neither  keep  within  nor 
without  doors  ?"  One  pictures  the  gray  dawn 
rising  off  the  sea  whispering  promise  of  great 
deeds  to  the  musing  lad. 

The  new  day  broke,  a  day  of  discouragement, 
the  first  of  many.  Alexander  Macdonald  of 
Boisdale  came  over  from  South  Uist  at  an  urgent 
summons.  Bluntly  he  advised  the  Prince  to 
return  "  home."  "  I  am  come  home,  sir,"  Charles 
replied,  and  his  Highlanders,  he  was  assured, 
would  stand  by  him.  The  Cassandra  of  Boisdale 
averred  the  contrary.  The  Prince  ventured  the 
names  of  Macdonald  of  Sleat  and  Macleod  of 
Macleod  as  among  the  faithful.  Boisdale  still 
croaked  discouragement,  and  with  reason,  for 
Sleat  and  Macleod  sat  judiciously  on  the  fence, 
or  on  the  nether  side  of  it.  So  passed  the  first 
day  of  the  Great  Adventure,  lightened  only  by 
the  appearance  of  Kinloch  Moidart,  the  banker's 
brother,  "an  exceeding  cool-headed  man,"  but 
4—2 


52  THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

loyal  and  willing.  A  day  or  two  after,  Hugh 
Macdonald  of  Morar  met  him  on  Lochy  water. 
Kinloch  Moidart  announced  their  Prince's  arrival. 
Morar  asked  what  levies  he  had  brought  with 
him,  what  stock  of  arms  and  money.  "  A  very 
small  stock  of  either,"  replied  the  other.  "  What 
generals  or  officers  ?"  persisted  Morar.  "  None  at 
all,"  was  the  reply.  "  I  don't  like  the  expedition 
at  all,"  said  Morar.  "  I  cannot  help  it,"  answered 
Kinloch  Moidart.  "  If  the  matter  go  wrong, 
then  I'll  certainly  be  hanged,  for  I  am  engaged 
already." 

Meanwhile  the  Prince  had  made  another  step 
towards  Holyrood.  On  July  25  the  Du  Teillaij 
conveyed  him  from  Eriska  to  Lochnanuagh  on 
the  mainland.  Thither  he  summoned  those  on 
whom  he  relied,  among  others,  Murray  of  Brough- 
ton,  Lochiel,  the  Jacobite  Duke  of  Perth,  and 
young  Ranald  of  Clanranald.  On  the  27th  Young 
Clanranald,  Alexander  Macdonald  of  Glenaladale, 
and  ^Eneas  Macdonald  of  Dalilea  arrived  at  Forsy 
and  went  on  board.  Clanranald  was  at  once 
closeted  with  the  Prince.  The  rest  waited  ex- 
pectant on  deck  under  a  tent "  well  furnished  with 
variety  of  wines  and  spirits."  Three  hours  passed. 
At  length  the  Prince  appeared.  "  I  found  my  heart 
swell  to  my  very  throat,"  says  an  eye-witness. 
Charles  was  again  metamorphosed.  He  entered 
the  tent, "  a  tall  youth  of  a  most  agreeable  aspect, 


THE  FORTY-FIVE  53 

in  a  plain  black  coat,  with  a  plain  shirt,  not  very 
clean,  and  a  cambrick  stock  fixed  with  a  plain 
silver  buckle,  a  fair  round  wig  out  of  the  buckle, 
a  plain  hatt  with  a  canvas  string,  haveing  one  end 
fixed  to  one  of  his  coat  buttons  ;  he  had  black 
stockins,  and  brass  buckles  in  his  shoes."  The 
heir  of  the  Stuarts  was,  for  the  nonce,  "ane 
English  clergyman  who  had  long  been  possess'd 
with  a  desire  to  see  and  converse  with  High- 
landers." After  a  brief  conversation  he  drank  to 
them  all  round  and  withdrew. 

"  It  is  a  point  agreed  among  the  Highlanders," 
says  the  historian  Home,  that  Charles's  fate  rested 
on  the  fail  of  a  single  man — Donald  Cameron,  the 
gentle  Lochiel.  Visits  of  courtesy,  pledgings  in 
French  brandy,  masqueradings  in  parsonic  shoe- 
buckles  and  other  appropriate  insignia,  do  not 
build  armies,  and  Charles's  muskets  and  broad- 
swords were  still  rusting  in  the  hold.  Lochiel's 
visit  to  the  Du  Teillay  ended  a  picnic  and  in- 
augurated a  campaign.  He  had  already,  when 
Charles  first  suggested  it,  denounced  his  coming, 
unsupported  by  France,  as  "  a  rash  and  desperate 
undertaking."  He  still  remained  in  that  opinion. 
But  the  reproach  of  the  younger  won  the  older 
man.  "  In  a  few  days,"  said  Charles,  "with  the 
few  friends  that  I  have,  I  will  erect  the  royal 
standard,  and  proclaim  to  the  people  of  Britain, 
that  Charles  Stuart  is  come  over  to  claim  the 


54  THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

crown  of  his  ancestors,  to  win  it,  or  to  perish  in 
the  attempt."  Lochiel,  he  continued  bitterly, 
might  stay  at  home,  "and  learn  from  the  news- 
papers the  fate  of  his  Prince."  "  No,"  answered 
Lochiel,  "  I'll  share  the  fate  of  my  Prince,  and  so 
shall  every  man  over  whom  nature  or  fortune 
hath  given  me  any  power."  Lochiel's  engage- 
ment emboldened  the  timid.  Before  the  end  of 
July,  Donald  Macdonell  of  Scotus,  Glengarry, 
the  Macdonalds  of  Keppoch  and  Glencoe,  and 
Stewart  of  Ardsheil,  were  pledged  to  raise  their 
clans.  The  play  was  begun.  The  rendezvous 
was  appointed  for  August  19  at  Glenfinnan. 

Charles  had  played  a  difficult  game  and  had 
played  it  well.  The  slightest  appearance  of 
hesitation,  the  suspicion  of  a  halting  purpose, 
would  have  been  fatal  to  his  hopes.  And  his 
despatch  of  the  Du  Teillay  to  France  on  August  4 
proclaimed  him  in  earnest.  On  the  same  day  he 
came  on  shore  at  Borradale.  Angus  Macdonald 
entertained  him  at  a  feast,  whereat  Charles 
"drunk  the  grace  drink  in  English,"  while  the 
"  whole  neighbourhood  without  distinction  of  age 
or  sex"  pressed  round.  A  week  passed  while 
preparations  were  made  and  communications  ex- 
changed with  Lochiel  and  the  rest.  On  August  1 1 
the  Prince,  his  artillery  and  baggage,  took  boat  to 
Kinloch  Moidart,  seven  miles  distant,  while  Clan- 
ranald's  Macdonalds,  his  bodyguard,  marched  by 


THE  FORTY-FIVE  55 

the  shore.  At  Kinloch  Moidart  he  halted  till 
the  1 8th.  Murray  of  Broughton  joined  him  there. 
Thence  by  Glenaladale,  westward  of  Loch  Shiel, 
arid  early  on  the  1 9th  to  the  rendezvous  at  Glen- 
finnan.  The  plain  was  deserted.  No  eager  clans- 
men awaited  him.  For  two  hours  he  remained  in 
"a  little  barn"  or  hovel  at  the  head  of  Loch 
Shiel.  At  length  the  skirl  of  pipes  reached  him, 
and  soon  seven  or  eight  hundred  Camerons  swung 
into  view  over  the  hill.  On  their  arrival  the  day's 
simple  but  momentous  ceremony  was  performed. 
Beneath  the  Standard,  unfurled  by  Atholl,  the 
Prince  declared  his  commission.  Murray  of 
Broughton  gives  the  notes  of  Charles's  "  short  but 
very  Pathetick  speech  "  thereafter.  He  knew  he 
should  find  in  Scotland,  he  said,  brave  gentlemen 
fired  with  the  "noble  example  of  their  pre- 
decessors, and  jealous  of  their  own  and  their 
Country's  honour,  to  join  with  him  in  so  glorious 
an  enterprise."  For  his  own  part  he  did  not 
doubt  of  "bringing  the  affair  to  a  happy  issue." 
On  the  heels  of  the  ceremony  came  Macdonald 
of  Keppoch  and  three  hundred  of  his  clan.  A  few 
Macleods,  "  who  disclaimed  their  chief,"  followed 
later.  So  the  evening  closed  over  the  little  band, 
a  thousand  strong,  and  their  challenge  to  Hano- 
verian George  and  the  might  of  Britain. 

One  turns  to  the  other  side.     When  the  storm 
burst  suddenly  upon  them,  the   British   forces  in 


56  THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

Scotland  were  lamentably  weak.  Guise's  regi- 
ment (the  6'th  of  the  line)  was  distributed  among 
the  forts  and  barracks  in  the  north.  Lees  (the 
44th),  half  of  which  was  at  Berwick,  Murray's 
(the  4b'th),  and  Lascelles's  (the  47th),  completed 
the  line  establishment.  Except  Guise's,  all  the 
regiments  had  been  formed  in  1741,  and  had  seen 
no  active  service.  There  were  available,  besides^ 
nine  companies  which  had  been  raised  for  service 
abroad.  Recruiting  for  the  Earl  of  Londoun's 
Highland  regiment  had  also  been  proceeding 
briskly.  Of  cavalry  there  were  only  Gardiner's  and 
Hamilton's  dragoon  regiments.  They  had  been 
raised  in  1715,  but  had  seen  no  active  service. 
The  command  of  this  unreliable  force  was  in  the 
hands  of  Sir  John  Cope,  a  man  who  failed  where 
others,  probably,  would  have  done  no  better,  "  one 
of  those  ordinary  men,"  as  a  contemporary  de- 
scribed him,  of  the  pipe-clay  school,  and  with 
little  adaptability  to  strange  and  unexpected 
conditions. 

In  spite  of  his  incognito  Charles's  departure 
from  Nantes  was  soon  known  to  the  Government. 
On  August  1  a  reward  of  £30,000  was  offered  for 
his  apprehension  should  he  succeed  in  landing. 
Two  days  later  (August  3)  Macleod  of  Macleod, 
who  had  already  rejected  Charles's  overtures, 
informed  Duncan  Forbes  at  Edinburgh  that  the 
Prince  was  in  Scotland.  That  mischief  was  brewing 


THE  FORTY-FIVE  57 

was  soon  apparent.  On  August  14  Keppoch's  clan 
seized  Captain  Swettenham  of  Guise's  regiment  on 
his  way  from  Ruthven  to  Fort  William.  Two  days 
later  (August  16)  a  couple  of  companies  were 
drafted  thither  from  Fort  Augustus.  They  shared 
the  fate  of  Swettenham.  Cope  had  already 
sketched  his  plan  of  campaign.  He  announced 
to  the  War  Office  his  intention  "  to  march  his 
troops  into  the  Highlands,  to  seek  out  the  rebels, 
and  try  to  check  their  progress."  On  the  20th 
he  marched  from  Stirling  with  twenty-five  com- 
panies of  foot  and  a  small  train  of  artillery.  On 
the  26'th  he  was  at  Dalwhinnie,  the  pass  of  Corry- 
arrack  before  him.  But  the  pass  was  hazardous, 
the  Highlanders  behind  it.  Cope  therefore 
called  a  council  of  war.  To  force  a  passage  to 
Fort  Augustus  was  admitted  to  be  hopeless  ;  so, 
leaving  the  military  road,  he  took  the  highway  to 
Inverness,  and  by  forced  marches  was  there  on 
August  29.  The  road  to  Edinburgh  lay  open 
behind  him. 

Charles  and  his  forces  had  set  out  from  Gleii- 
finnan  on  August  21.  A  few  days  later  he  was 
at  Invergarry.  Here,  in  the  time-honoured  ritual, 
his  followers  drew  up  a  "  band  "  pledging  them- 
selves "  not  to  lay  down  their  arms  nor  to  make 
their  peace  without  the  consent  of  the  whole." 
Fraser  of  Gortleg  arrived  with  a  proposal  from 
that  wily  fox,  Lord  Lovat.  The  rogue  was  already 


58  THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

in  correspondence  with  Forbes  of  Culloden,  but  to 
the  Prince  he  suggested  that  the  Erasers  only 
awaited  his  advent  to  rise.  He  spoke  for  the 
Macdonalds  of  Sleat,  the  Macleods  and  Mac- 
kenzies.  Atholl  and  Murray,  the  secretary, 
sufficiently  gauged  the  sincerity  of  this  crafty 
"  Facing-both-Ways."  The  Prince's  gaze  also  was 
turned  southward  to  Edinburgh  and  beyond. 
So  the  march  was  resumed.  In  Glengarry,  Stewart 
of  Ardsheil  came  up  with  some  two  hundred  of 
the  men  of  Appin.  Glengarry  himself  did  not  come 
out  (Barrisdale  had  a  word  on  that  when  all  was 
over),  but  the  Macdonells,  six  hundred  strong, 
under  Lochgarry  and  Angus  (Pickle's  brother), 
joined  the  banner  as  it  passed  through  their 
country.  It  was  a  high-spirited  army,  over  two 
thousand  strong,  that  rose  from  Aberchalder  in 
the  early  morning  of  August  27  and  scented 
battle  in  the  hills  south-eastward,  where  Cope 
and  Corryarrack  lay  in  mist.  But  no  redcoat 
lay  concealed  in  Corryarrack — "a  gentleman 
of  the  name  of  McPharson"  brought  the  news. 
Through  the  pass  the  Prince  marched  un- 
challenged, Cope  scampering  meanwhile  towards 
Inverness. 

The  prospect  before  Charles  was  one  which  his 
wildest  hopes  could  hardly  have  conjured  up 
when  the  Du  Teillay's  departure  pinned  him  to  a 
hazardous  enterprise  three  short  weeks  before. 


THE  FORTY-FIVE  59 

The  fates  were  kinder  to  him  than  to  his  father 
in  17l/>.  Then  Argyll  had  obstinately  barred 
the  line  of  the  Forth.  Now  the  approach  to  the 
capital  lay  open  and  unopposed,  save  for  the 
dragoons  whom  Cope  had  left  in  his  rear,  a  feeble 
obstacle,  as  they  proved.  Charles  swept  leisurely 
along  to  his  goal.  On  September  2  he  was  at 
Lude.  The  Robertsons  for  the  most  part  looked 
askance  upon  him  ;  but  their  Lady  was  Jacobite  an 
ho///  (Ics  angles,  "  so  elevate  while  she  was  about 
the  Young  Pretender  at  that  time,"  records  an 
unsympathetic  observer,  "  that  she  looked  like 
a  person  whose  head  had  gone  wrong."  Charles 
was  in  buoyant  spirits,  "  took  his  share  in  several 
dances,"  called  for  reels,  and  gave  the  measure, 
"This  is  not  mine  ain  house."  He  left  hospitable 
Lude  on  the  3rd,  and  next  day  made  his  entry 
into  Perth. 

The  time  had  come  to  organize  his  forces, 
swelled  at  Perth  by  a  body  of  Macgregors  and 
Robertsons.  He  had  received  other  recruits : 
Lord  James  Drummond  (the  Jacobite  Duke  of 
Perth),  the  Chevalier  de  Johnstone,  and,  above 
all,  Lord  George  Murray.  Murray  was  a  man  of 
military  ability,  but  difficult  to  work  with  in 
tandem  harness.  To  him  and  Perth  Charles 
gave  the  joint  command  ;  an  uneasy  partnership 
it  proved.  Nor  did  the  appointment  of  O'Sullivan 
as  Quartermaster-General  and  Sir  John  Mac- 


6o 

donald  as  Instructor  of  Cavalry  yield  general 
satisfaction.  To  the  home-bred  Scot  there  was 
too  much  Irish  leaven  in  the  Jacobite  loaf.  But 
dissension  came  later.  For  the  moment  a  point 
of  importance  obtained  unanimous  settlement. 
Cope  was  still  in  the  field.  He  set  out  from 
Inverness  towards  Aberdeen  on  September  4,  the 
day  Charles  entered  Perth.  Transports  were  to 
meet  him  there.  By  their  help  he  hoped  to  get 
between  the  Prince  and  the  capital.  Whether 
to  return  northwai'd  and  cut  off  Cope  from 
Aberdeen,  or  to  neglect  him  and  continue  the 
march  upon  Edinburgh,  was  debated  in  council 
at  Perth.  The  former  course  was  hazardous. 
Cope  might  refuse  battle  and  hold  his  enemy  in- 
active before  him.  To  Charles  time  was  golden. 
Troops  had  been  summoned  from  Flanders,  as 
he  knew.  To  secure  the  capital  before  their 
arrival  seemed  imperative.  The  prestige  alone 
of  such  an  achievement  would  be  incalculable 
So,  on  September  11,  the  march  was  resumed. 
On  the  13th  the  army  passed  the  Forth  at  the 
Fords  of  Frew,  Gardiner's  dragoons  making  no 
attempt  to  oppose  the  passage.  Stirling  Castle 
fired  a  few  shots  as  the  Prince  passed  on  the  14th. 
Early  in  the  morning  of  Sunday,  the  15th,  his 
army  encamped  eastward  of  Linlithgow.  Charles 
himself,  with  but  a  slender  bodyguard,  took  up 
his  quarters  in  the  palace,  and  ordered  that  no 


THE  FORTY-FIVE  61 

interruption  of  the  Sunday  services  should  be 
allowed.  The  next  day  (September  16)  gave  him 
his  first  sight  of  the  capital  of  his  ancestors.  He 
had  anticipated  at  least  a  show  of  resistance  on 
the  march.  He  encountered  none.  Gardiner's 
dragoons  retreated  before  him  to  the  Colt  Brig, 
and  thence  joined  Cope  upon  his  landing  at 
Dunbai'.  At  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  Charles 
advanced  to  Corstorphine,  and,  filing  oft'  to  the 
right,  his  army  encamped  that  evening  at  Gray's 
Mills,  two  miles  distant  from  the  city  on  the 
south-west. 

Edinburgh  was  in  no  condition  to  offer  resist- 
ance. It  was  unfortified.  Its  walls  were  rickety, 
and  "the  condition  of  the  men  who  might  be 
called  upon  to  defend  them  was  pretty  similar," 
says  Home.  Volunteers  had  been  enrolled,  only 
to  disband  in  grotesque  confusion  in  the  crisis  of 
danger.  The  dragoons  were  worse  than  useless, 
a  terror  to  their  friends  rather  than  to  the  enemy. 
General  Guest  and  a  garrison  held  the  castle. 

Late  in  the  afternoon  of  the  l6th  Charles's 
summons  was  brought  in  to  the  distracted  autho- 
rities. Cope's  arrival  from  Aberdeen  was  believed 
to  be  imminent.  A  parley  might  allow  him  to 
reach  Edinburgh  in  time.  The  magistrates  re- 
solved to  attempt  one.  About  eight  o'clock  at 
night  a  deputation  from  them  appeared  at  Gray's 
Mills.  Charles  directed  Murray  of  Broughton  to 


62  THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

receive  them.  Murray  repeated  the  conditions  of 
surrender,  and  bade  them  return  with  an  answer 
promptly.  No  further  respite  could  be  allowed 
them.  On  their  return  to  the  city  encouraging 
news  awaited  them.  Cope's  transports,  sighted 
off  Dunbar,  had  revived  the  spirits  of  the  City 
Fathers.  A  Babel  of  proposals  filled  the  Council 
Chamber — to  ring  to  arms,  to  assemble  the  dis- 
banded volunteers,  to  hold  out  until  Cope  brought 
relief.  The  deputies  from  Gray's  Mills  entered 
upon  the  heels  of  the  clamour.  Long  deliberation 
ensued.  At  two  o'clock  in  the  morning  (Septem- 
ber 1 7)  a  hackney  coach  again  conveyed  a  deputa- 
tion to  the  Prince.  They  were  instructed  to  ask 
for  a  suspension  of  hostilities  until  nine  o'clock. 
Lord  George  Murray  seconded  their  application, 
but  Charles  refused  to  consider  it.  Once  more 
the  weary  deputies  returned  to  Edinburgh.  Their 
coach  put  them  down  in  the  High  Street,  and 
returning  through  the  opened  port  of  the  Cannon- 
gate,  found  itself  engulfed  in  a  yelling  crowd 
of  Highlanders.  Charles  had  stolen  a  march 
upon  his  adversary.  Soon  after  the  first  deputa- 
tion left  Gray's  Mills,  a  detachment  had  been 
despatched  towards  Edinburgh  under  Lochiel 
and  O'Sullivan.  Even  while  the  authorities  were 
debating  their  answer,  Lochiel  and  his  men  were 
groping  round  the  walls.  At  one  of  the  gates  he 
attempted  a  ruse  de  guerre,  sending  one  of  his 


THE  FORTY-FIVE  63 

people  in  artless  disguise,  "  a  great  coat  and 
hunting  cape,"  to  demand  admission.  The  n/xc 
failed,  and  the  detachment  was  about  to  with- 
draw till  daylight,  when  the  Cannongate  opened 
to  the  deputies'  empty  coach.  Lochiel  sprang 
through,  his  people  behind  him  with  drawn  swords 
and  targets,  raising  "a  hideous  yell."  Up  the 
Cannongate  they  swept  to  the  Guard-house,  took 
possession  of  it  and  of  the  several  ports,  and, 
drawing  up  their  main  body  in  the  Parliament 
Close,  awaited  the  Chief  for  whom  they  had  won 
a  city  without  a  blow. 

About  ten  o'clock  on  that  auspicious  day 
(September  17)  Charles  halted  his  army  under 
the  shadow  of  Arthur's  Seat.  Holyrood  lay 
below  him,  the  intervening  park  filled  with 
curious  citizens  eager  to  see  "  this  extraordinary 
person."  He  came  among  them  on  foot  down 
the  Duke's  Walk,  his  chiefs  and  captains  around 
him.  A  bystander  (Home)  gives  his  portrait  in 
that  proud  moment  of  his  life :  "  He  was  in  the 
prime  of  youth,  tall  and  handsome,  of  a  fair 
complexion ;  he  had  a  light-coloured  periwig 
with  his  own  hair  combed  over  the  front ;  he 
wore  the  Highland  dress,  that  is,  a  tartan  short 
coat  without  the  plaid,  a  blue  bonnet  on  his  head, 
and  on  his  breast  the  star  of  the  order  of 
St.  Andrew."  Near  the  palace  he  mounted  his 
horse,  and  so  passed  to  the  home  of  his  ancestors. 


64  THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

At  noon  his  father  was  publicly  proclaimed  at  the 
Mercat  Cross. 

A  month  had  passed  since  Charles  raised  the 
Standard  in  Glenfinnan.  Its  confident  motto, 
Tandem  Triumphans,  still  read  unchallenged.  But 
a  test  was  imminent.  Cope's  tardy  transports 
bore  the  challenge.  For  a  brief  two  days  Holy- 
rood  shone  with  some  of  the  brilliance  of  years 
long  past.  Thither  came  many  eager  for  the 
coming  fray.  Lord  Elcho  joined  his  Prince, 
whom  at  a  later  time  he  so  bitterly  execrated. 
Maclachlan  brought  his  clan.  Grant  of  Glen- 
moriston,  hot-foot  on  the  trail  of  battle,  burst 
in  dishevelled  and  unceremonious  to  Charles's 
presence.  "  It  is  not  beardless  boys  who  are  to 
do  your  Royal  Highness's  turn,"  was  his  answer 
to  a  mild  reproof.  On  the  19th  the  expected 
news  arrived  :  Cope  had  left  D  unbar,  and  was 
marching  by  the  post-road  towards  the  capital. 
He  encamped  near  Haddington  that  night.  Next 
morning  he  advanced,  and  took  up  his  position  in 
the  plain  between  Tranent  and  Preston.  There  he 
resolved  to  await  his  enemy,  his  right  flank  on  the 
sea,  Edinburgh  on  his  front. 

The  news  of  Cope's  advance  drew  Charles  from 
Holyrood.  He  joined  his  army  at  Duddingston 
that  evening  (September  19).  Under  the  frowning 
rocks  which  guard  its  lake  his  army  drew  up  early 
on  the  morrow.  By  nine  o'clock  all  was  ready  for 


THE  FORTY-FIVE  65 

the  advance.  Charles  took  his  place  at  the  head 
of  the  column  with  "  a  very  determined  Counte- 
nance." "Gentlemen,"  he  addressed  them,  "I 
have  flung  away  the  Scabbard  ;  with  God's  assist- 
ance I  don't  doubt  of  making  you  a  free  and 
happy  people.  Mr.  Cope  shall  not  escape  us  as 
he  did  in  the  Highlands."  With  a  scouting  party 
of  cavalry  on  its  front,  the  Camerons  following, 
the  army  moved  forward.  Cope  lay  eastward  on 
the  main  road.  But  Lord  George  knew  his  High- 
landers. "  Even  a  haggis  (God  bless  her !)"  could 
charge  down  hill.  Up  to  the  high  ground  above 
the  seaward  plain  he  led  the  column.  Half  an 
hour's  stiff  marching  gave  him  the  summit. 
Thence  past  Colonel  Gardiner's  house  to  Tranent ; 
Cope  in  full  view  below,  marshy  ground,  a  dyke, 
and  walls  intervening.  From  that  quarter  an 
attack  was  hazardous,  but  the  puzzled  Cope 
wheeled  his  front  to  face  the  unexpected  position. 
Eastward  of  Tranent  the  Highlanders  halted. 
The  harvest  of  the  fields  had  been  gathered  in, 
and  the  men  lay  down  in  the  stubble,  a  small 
rising  on  their  front  masking  them  from  Cope's 
gunners,  who  already  had  made  some  practice  on 
them.  Eastward  of  the  bivouac  there  lay  a  narrow 
and  circuitous  path,  which  led  to  the  plain  below, 
opening  on  Cope's  flank.  Robert  Anderson  of 
Whitburgh  pointed  it  out  to  Lord  George.  At 
nightfall  the  officers  met.  The  opportune  informa- 
5 


66  THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

tion  was  eagerly  discussed,  and  it  was  resolved  to 
attempt  the  path  at  daybreak.  Cope's  camp-fires 
meanwhile  flickered  from  below.  His  front  still 
faced  Tranent.  His  baggage  and  military  chest 
were  in  the  rear  at  Cockenzie,  guarded  by 
Loudoun's  and  Lord  John  Murray's  Highlanders. 
Lee's  regiment  was  on  his  right,  Murray's  on  his 
left,  Lascelles's  and  a  fraction  of  Guise's  on  his 
centre.  Gardiner's  and  Hamilton's  dragoons 
flanked  the  line  on  the  right  and  left  respectively. 
On  the  left,  and  near  the  waggon-path  from 
Tranent  to  Cockenzie,  were  his  cannon.  Beyond 
them  his  pickets  stretched  near  as  far  as  Seaton, 
hard  by  the  spot  where  Anderson's  providential 
pathway  debouched  on  the  plain. 

Mist  lay  heavy  in  the  plain  when  the  Highland 
host  awoke.  Noiselessly  the  Macdonalds  drew  off 
from  near  Tranent,  and,  passing  in  front  of  the 
regiments  on  their  right,  followed  their  guides  to 
the  plain  below.  The  Atholl  brigade,  the  corps  de 
reserve,  followed.  Lord  George  with  the  Camerons, 
Stewarts,  and  Macgregors  brought  up  the  rear. 
Once  upon  the  level  ground  the  whole  force  faced 
about,  and  moved  on  with  gathering  impetus  to 
the  attack.  The  alarm  had  already  been  given, 
but  Cope  had  barely  time  to  change  his  front, 
before  the  sun,  dispelling  the  mist,  showed  an 
oblique  line  of  foemen,  its  left  advanced,  hurrying 
towards  him  over  the  stubble,  "speaking  and 


THE  FORTY  FIVE  67 

muttering  in  a  manner  that  expressed  and 
heightened  their  fierceness  and  rage."  The  sight 
would  have  unnerved  veterans.  Cope's  gunners 
Hed  without  firing  a  shot.  A  squadron  of  horse 
galloped  up  to  cover  the  guns,  received  the  fire  of 
the  Camerons,  and  Hed  from  the  field.  Gardiner's 
dragoons,  after  a  feeble  resistance,  followed  them. 
The  panic  spread  among  the  infantry  of  the  right 
and  centre.  They  fired  a  haphazard  volley  and 
rushed  to  the  rear.  The  Macdonalds  to  the  right 
were  still  at  some  distance  from  Cope's  line,  but 
Hamilton's  dragoons  at  that  quarter  received  a 
volley  and  refused  to  stand.  Murray's  foot  dis- 
charged their  muskets  and  followed  them.  Within 
a  few  minutes  of  the  first  onset  Cope's  army 
had  ceased  to  exist.  His  cannon,  baggage,  and 
nearly  seventeen  hundred  prisoners  fell  to  the 
victor.  "  Ye  Army,"  Charles  told  his  father,  "  had 
a  fine  plunder." 

With  staggering  swiftness  the  little  cloud  so 
lately  risen  in  the  Western  Highlands  had  covered 
the  northern  sky.  Scotland  for  the  moment  was 
lost  to  the  Union.  The  unexpectedness  of  the 
crisis  hardly  relieved  the  Government  of  the 
responsibility  for  its  magnitude.  But  the  magni- 
tude recognised,  prompt  measures  were  taken. 
Parliament  met  on  October  17.  Loyal  addresses 
to  the  King  were  followed  by  the  suspension  of 
the  Habeas  Corpus  Act.  Troops  were  recalled 
5—2 


68  THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

from  Flanders  and  despatched  to  Newcastle  under 
Marshal  Wade's  command.  On  October  19  the 
Duke  of  Cumberland  arrived.  England  was  at 
length  awakened.  On  the  30th  the  Prince,  who 
had  returned  to  Edinburgh  on  the  morrow  of  his 
victory,  held  a  council  to  resolve  on  his  further 
movements.  Elated  by  his  easy  success  over  Cope, 
Charles  proposed  to  march  upon  Newcastle.  What 
Leslie  and  his  blue-bonnets  had  done  in  16'40  was 
possible  again.  Lord  George  and  the  majority 
threw  cold  water  on  his  ardour.  An  invasion  of 
England,  they  objected,  if  undertaken  at  all, 
would  be  chiefly  for  the  purpose  of  encouraging 
his  friends  to  declare  themselves.  The  West  of 
England  ought,  therefore,  to  be  their  goal.  After 
some  hesitation  Charles  adopted  the  proposal,  and 
an  advance  upon  Carlisle  was  ordered  for  the  next 
day,  November  1.  He  had  already  issued  a  pro- 
clamation to  encourage  his  English  adherents. 

In  two  columns  the  army  set  out  from  Edin- 
burgh on  November  1.  The  Dukes  of  Atholl  and 
Perth  took  the  western  route  through  Peebles, 
Moffat,  and  Lockerby.  The  Camerons,  Macdonalds, 
Stewarts,  Macgregors,  Mackinnons,  and  Lord  Pit- 
sligo's  horse  marched  with  them.  The  Prince  and 
Lord  George  took  the  route  through  Lauder, 
Kelso,  and  Longtown,  with  the  Atholl  Brigade,  the 
Drummonds,Lord  Elcho's,Lord  Balmermoch's,and 
Lord  Kilmarnock's  horse,  and  John  Roy  Stewart's, 


THE  FORTY-FIVE  69 

Gordon  of  Glenb ticket's,  Ixml  Ogilvy's,  and  Cluny 
Macpherson's  contingents.  The  whole  force  num- 
bered about  five  thousand  men.  Cope's  captured 
artillery  and  some  guns  recently  brought  from 
France  by  Colonel  James  Grante  went  along  with 
it.  On  November  9  the  two  columns  united  near 
Carlisle,  and  on  the  10th  the  Prince's  summons 
was  sent  in  to  the  city.  Carlisle  was  garrisoned 
by  the  Cumberland  and  Westmoreland  militia, 
under  Colonel  Durand.  Their  numbers  were 
weak,  but  for  the  moment  their  spirit  was  high. 
Assembled  at  the  "Bush  "  hostelry,  the  authorities 
resolved  that  no  answer  should  be  sent  out  to  the 
Prince.  Their  hopes  were  with  Wade  at  distant 
Newcastle.  On  the  13th  a  message  reached  them 
from  the  Marshal.  He  held  out  no  prospect  of 
relief.  Panic  seized  the  defenders.  The  militia 
officers  openly  counselled  flight.  On  the  14-th  a 
deputation  of  the  townsmen  and  faint-hearted 
militia  went  out  to  the  Prince.  They  found  him 
at  Brampton,  and  returned  with  his  refusal  to 
grant  terms  so  long  as  the  castle  held  out.  The 
answer  was  communicated  to  Durand,  and  in  the 
circumstances  he  agreed  to  fall  in  with  the  preva- 
lent desire  to  surrender.  On  the  17th  Charles 
entered  the  city. 

On  November  1 8  Charles  summoned  his  council 
at  Carlisle.  So  far  his  adventurous  progress  had 
failed  to  draw  recruits.  Two  persons  only  had 


7o  THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

joined  him  from  Northumberland.  The  prospect 
was  hardly  more  encouraging  southward.  His 
military  position,  too,  was  becoming  precarious. 
Wade  was  to  the  east  of  him.  Handasyde  with  a 
force  of  cavalry  and  infantry  had  already  entered 
Scotland,  and  was  in  Charles's  rear  at  Stirling. 
In  the  Midlands  Sir  John  Ligonier,  soon  to  be 
superseded  by  Cumberland,  awaited  him.  If  the 
march  was  to  be  continued,  military  expediency 
insisted  that  it  should  be  immediately  commenced, 
before  Wade  and  Ligonier  could  combine.  On 
the  20th  the  cavalry  left  Carlisle.  Charles  and 
the  infantry  followed  next  day.  On  the  26th  both 
divisions  met  at  Preston.  The  name  was  fraught 
with  ominous  memories.  In  1648,  and  again  in 
1715,  it  had  seen  the  ruin  of  Scottish  armies 
treading,  like  this  one,  the  soil  of  the  "auld 
enemy."  To  break  the  spell,  and  to  convince  his 
Highlanders  that  the  town  "  should  not  be  their 
ne  plus  ultra,"  Lord  George  led  them  at  once  over 
the  Kibble.  There  were  already  murmurings  at 
what  many  regarded  as  a  fatuous  expedition. 
Charles's  assurance  that  his  English  partisans  only 
awaited  his  appearance  to  declare  for  him  com- 
manded diminishing  credit.  At  Preston  he  again 
summoned  his  council.  He  ventured  to  point  to 
Manchester,  and  his  hopes  of  finding  partisans 
there.  Thither  the  march  was  resumed.  On  the 
29th  Manchester  was  reached.  A  sturdy  sergeant 


THE  FORTY-FIVE  71 

and  drummer  had  already  been  plying  for  re- 
cruits. At  some  risk  they  secured  about  a 
hundred  and  fifty,  the  modest  harvest  of  the  raid. 
Charles  drafted  them  into  the  Manchester  Regi- 
ment, under  the  ill-fated  Francis  Townley.  Again 
the  reluctant  chiefs  were  summoned.  Again  they 
urged  the  futility  of  further  advance  through  a 
people  whose  Jacobitism,  if  existent,  was  cryptic 
and  faint-hearted.  Cumberland  was  not  far 
distant.  Another  army  was  assembling  on  Finch- 
ley  Common  for  London's  defence.  Even  the 
managers  of  the  theatres  in  the  capital  were  offer- 
ing to  equip  their  dependants  with  weapons  more 
effective  than  those  of  mimic  warfare.  Charles's 
ardour  brooked  no  opposition.  On  December  1 
the  army  again  moved  forward.  Cumberland's 
advanced  posts  were  already  as  far  north  as  New- 
castle-under-Lyme  ;  his  base  at  Lichfield.  Taking 
a  column  with  him,  Lord  George  struck  off  the 
Derby  road  to  Congleton,  feinting  an  attack.  His 
ruse  succeeded.  Cumberland's  posts  drew  back  to 
their  base,  and  on  December  4  Charles  was  in 
possession  of  Derby,  his  ne  plus  ultra.  The  van- 
guard rode  in  about  eleven  o'clock  in  the  morning, 
and  drew  up  in  the  market-place.  The  bells 
clanged  an  unwilling  peal,  bonfires  flared  a  hollow 
welcome,  "  to  prevent  any  resentment  that  might 
ensue  "  if  those  ceremonies  were  omitted.  In  the 
afternoon  the  main  body  marched  in,  the  bagpipes 


72  THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

at  their  head,  all  "in  tolerable  order."  In  the 
dusk  of  the  evening  Charles  arrived,  and  was  con- 
ducted to  his  lodgings.  Thither  his  officers  pro- 
ceeded next  day  (December  5)  to  discuss  the 
position.  Cumberland  was  to  be  that  night  at 
Stafford.  Wade  was  hurrying  from  the  north  by 
forced  marches.  But  Charles  was  impervious  to 
argument.  He  "  pressed  with  all  the  force  of 
argument  to  go  forward."  His  hopes  were  still 
on  fickle  France,  on  his  backward  partisans,  whom 
a  brilliant  dash  on  the  capital  might  encourage  or 
shame  into  action.  But  the  risk  attending  such 
an  exploit  was  enormous  ;  the  chances  of  its  suc- 
cess were  of  the  slightest.  It  could  but  have 
added,  in  the  long  run,  a  thousandfold  to  the  perils 
of  an  ultimately  inevitable  retreat.  These  and 
other  considerations  were  showered  upon  the 
reluctant  Prince.  He  admitted  their  force,  and 
proposed  to  withdraw  into  Wales.  But  his  fol- 
lowers looked  northward,  and  clamoured  to  be 
led  thither.  With  a  heavy  heart  Charles  con- 
sented. 

On  December  6  the  retreat  commenced.  "  All 
was  sullen  and  silent  that  whole  day,"  writes 
Maxwell  of  Kirkconnell.  To  keep  up  the  men's 
spirits  it  was  given  out  that  an  engagement  with 
Cumberland  was  imminent.  A  force  of  cavalry 
sent  forward  in  his  direction  supported  the  pre- 
tence. But  as  the  column  swung  through  Ash- 


THE  FORTY-FIVE  73 

bourne  familiar  landmarks  proclaimed  retreat. 
Another  rumour  stifled  the  murmurs.  Wade  was 
ahead,  it  was  said ;  reinforcements  from  Scotland 
were  in  peril  at  his  hands,  and  they  were  bound 
northward  in  relief.  That  achieved,  their  faces 
would  again  be  set  Londonwards.  But  the  truth 
was  soon  apparent  to  all  as  the  dejected  army, 
without  undue  haste  or  confusion,  retraced  its 
steps.  On  December  1 1  Charles  was  at  Preston, 
Cumberland  two  days'  march  behind  him.  On 
the  17th  the  Duke,  whom  Wade's  cavalry  under 
Oglethorpe  had  joined,  was  at  Kendal.  Charles 
reached  Penrith  the  same  day.  Toiling  in  his 
rear  were  Lord  George  Murray  and  the  guns,  with 
Glengarry's  supporting  regiment.  The  breakdown 
of  some  ammunition  waggons  not  far  out  of  Kendal 
had  delayed  them.  A  fierce  storm  of  wind  and  rain 
left  them  yet  further  in  the  rear.  At  daybreak 
on  the  18th  they  set  out  from  Shap  to  join  the 
main  body  at  Penrith.  At  mid-day  the  weary 
force  began  to  ascend  Thrimby  Hill,  half-way 
thither.  Cavalry  already  hovered  around  them, 
and  even  on  their  front.  With  a  rush  the  High- 
landers gained  the  eminence,  and,  fighting  a  rear- 
guard action,  came  safely  into  Clifton.  From 
there  Lord  George  sent  forward  his  artillery  to 
Penrith,  and  despatched  John  Roy  Stewart  to 
inform  Charles  of  his  situation.  With  all  expedi- 
tion Cluny  and  the  Macphersons,  Ardsheil  and 


74  THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

the  Appin  men  were  sent  back  to  his  support. 
Charles  was  resolved  to  advance  to  Carlisle,  and 
Roy  Stewart  brought  back  an  order  to  Lord 
George  to  follow  him  thither.  Lord  George 
was  of  another  mind.  With  the  force  at  his 
disposal  he  felt  himself  strong  enough  to  hold  in 
check  Cumberland's  pursuing  cavalry,  five  hundred 
strong,  half  his  own  numbers.  Placing  the  Mac- 
donells  on  the  right,  Cluny's  men  and  the 
Stewarts  on  the  left  of  the  highway,  and  John 
Roy  Stewart's  near  the  village,  he  awaited  the 
attack.  The  comparative  weakness  of  the  enemy 
tempted  him  to  assume  the  aggressive.  Passing 
through  or  over  the  intervening  hedges  with  the 
help  of  their  dirks,  the  Highlanders  fell  upon  the 
dismounted  cavalry.  "Then  we  indeed  fell  to 
pell-mell  with  them,"  writes  a  Macpherson  ;  "  but 
the  poor  swords  suffered  much,  as  there  were  noe 
lesse  than  14  of  them  broke  on  the  dragoons' 
skull  caps  (which  they  all  had)  before  it  seems 
the  better  way  of  doing  their  business  was  found 
out."  A  flank  movement  of  the  dragoons  on  the 
right  got  such  a  smart  fire  from  the  Glengarry 
Macdonells,  "that  such  as  outlived  it  were  fain 
to  make  the  best  of  their  way  back  to  their 
army."  Retiring  to  his  first  position,  Lord  George 
proposed  to  maintain  his  post  till  daylight.  An 
aide-de-camp  from  the  Prince,  however,  ordered 
his  retirement,  and,  marching  all  night,  he  over- 


THE  FORTY-FIVE  75 

took  the  main  body  at  Carlisle  early  on  the  fol- 
lowing morning  (December  19).  Late  the  next 
evening  (December  20)  the  whole  army  withdrew 
from  Carlisle.  A  week  later  the  Prince  was  at 
Glasgow,  where  his  army  took  a  brief  but  much 
needed  rest.  Cumberland,  after  forcing  the 
capitulation  of  Carlisle  on  December  30,  returned 
to  London. 

Since  the  raid  into  England  commenced  the 
position  in  Scotland  had  undergone  considerable, 
and  to  the  Prince  encouraging,  change.  Lord 
Loudoun  held  the  North,  but  the  Frasers  had  at 
length  come  out,  and  had  laid  ineffectual  siege  to 
Fort  Augustus.  Lord  Lewis  Gordon,  descending 
upon  Aberdeen,  had  spirited  the  Jacobites  of  Dee 
and  Don-side  to  action.  A  skirmish  at  Inverurie 
on  December  23  established  his  hold  upon  that 
region.  A  month  earlier  (November  22)  Lord 
John  Drummond  had  landed  a  tardy  reinforce- 
ment of  some  eight  hundred  men  from  France.  The 
prospect  was  distinctly  encouraging,  and  his  army 
recovered  from  its  late  fatigues,  Charles  again  took 
the  field.  On  January  3,  1746,  he  advanced  to 
Bannockburn  and  disposed  his  forces  for  the  in- 
vestment of  Stirling,  whose  castle  was  held  by 
Major-General  Blakeney  and  a  strong  garrison. 
Lord  John  Drummond  brought  his  regiment  of 
Royal  Scots  and  pickets  of  the  Franco-Irish 
Brigade.  Lord  Lewis  Gordon  brought  up  his 


76  THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

clan.  The  Frasers  also  arrived,  and  detachments 
of  Mackenzies,  Mackintoshes,  and  Farquharsons. 
A  total  force  of  about  eight  thousand  men  was  at 
Charles's  disposal,  nearly  double  the  strength  of 
the  army  he  had  led  into  England. 

On  January  6  trenches  were  dug,  and  the  in- 
vestment of  Stirling  commenced.  The  town  had 
no  mind,  however,  to  stand  a  siege.  Conditions 
were  asked  for  and  granted,  and  Charles  took 
possession  next  day.  But  the  castle  remained 
defiant.  Plans  for  its  assault  were  prepared  by 
M.  Mirabelle  de  Gordon,  a  French  engineer, 
whose  name  the  Highlanders  perverted  to  "  Mr. 
Admirable."  To  spare  the  town  from  the  enemy's 
fire  he  opened  his  trenches  on  a  hill  to  the  north 
of  the  castle.  On  the  14th  the  French  artillery 
arrived.  They  were  barely  in  position  before 
the  army  was  called  to  action  in  another  quarter. 

On  January  6  Hawley,  who  had  superseded 
Cope  in  the  command  in  Scotland,  arrived  at 
Edinburgh.  A  week  later  his  army  advanced 
towards  Falkirk.  Leaving  the  Duke  of  Perth 
and  a  force  of  about  twelve  hundred  men  to  con- 
tinue the  siege  of  Stirling  Castle,  Charles  awaited 
Hawley's  approach  at  Bannockburn.  For  two  days 
his  army  was  drawn  up  expectant.  But  Hawley 
lingered  at  Falkirk,  and  with  sound  judgment 
Lord  George  urged  an  attack  upon  him  there. 
Offensive  tactics  better  suited  the  genius  of  the 


THE  FORTY-FIVE  77 

Highlanders,  and  there  was  the  added  hope  of 
finding  Hawley  unprepared.  At  mid-day  on  the 
17th  the  army  moved  towards  the  Torwood. 
Lord  John  Drummond  and  most  of  the  cavalry 
struck  eastward  to  the  Stirling  road  through 
Larbor,  as  though  the  army  followed  and  an 
attack  was  intended  from  that  quarter.  The 
main  body,  leaving  the  Torwood  in  their  rear, 
crossed  the  Carron  west  of  Dunipace,  and  having 
Falkirk  well  on  their  left  flank,  made  rapidly  for 
the  high  moorland  south-westward  of  the  town. 
Their  advance  had  been  tardily  observed,  too 
late  to  dispute  with  them  the  vantage-ground 
they  had  secured.  As  they  reached  it  they  drew 
up  in  two  lines  facing  eastward.  The  High- 
landers formed  the  first  line,  Macdonalds  on  the 
right,  the  Frasers,  Camerons,  and  Stewarts  on  the 
left.  In  their  rear  were  the  Lowland  regiments, 
for  the  most  part.  Charles  stationed  himself 
about  twenty  yards  behind  the  centre. 

The  ground  between  the  two  armies  was  con- 
siderably broken.  A  level  stretch  fronted  the 
Macdonalds,  but  leftward  of  them,  where  the 
Frasers  stood,  a  ravine  spread  northward  towards 
Graham's  Dyke.  Hawley's  whole  force  of  cavalry 
was  posted  to  the  left  of  it,  fronting  the  Mac- 
donalds, but  covering  no  more  than  two-thirds  of 
the  Highland  line.  His  infantry,  hurried  out  of 
camp,  were  not  fully  formed  when  the  attack 


78  THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

began.  Drawn  up  in  two  lines  behind  the  cavalry, 
they  fronted  the  ravine  and  the  Erasers,  Camerons, 
and  Stewarts  beyond,  but  failed  to  cover  the 
Macdonalds.  It  was  nearly  four  o'clock  in  the 
darkening  afternoon,  and  amid  a  howling  storm  of 
wind  and  rain,  when  Hawley  ordered  his  cavalry 
to  charge.  Putting  himself  at  the  head  of 
Keppoch's  men,  Lord  George  awaited  the  onset. 
Ten  or  twelve  paces  from  the  oncoming  surge  the 
Highland  muskets  spat  fire.  The  troopers  reeled 
in  their  seats.  Hamilton's  and  Ligonier's  regi- 
ments galloped  to  the  rear.  Cobham's  wheeled 
to  the  right  and  thundered  down  the  declivity 
between  the  armies,  the  clans  on  that  quarter 
emptying  many  saddles  as  they  passed.  Pressing 
on,  the  Macdonalds  and  the  regiments  behind 
them,  their  muskets  abandoned,  claymore  in  hand, 
hurled  themselves  on  front  and  flank  of  Hawley's 
foot.  The  first  line  wavered  and  broke,  carrying 
the  rear  line  with  it  in  confusion.  Only  three 
regiments  stood  :  Price's  and  Ligonier's  fronting 
the  ravine,  and  Barrell's  behind  them.  Advancing 
to  the  edge  of  the  declivity  they  poured  their  fire 
into  the  Camerons  and  Stewarts  facing  them.  In 
the  gathering  darkness,  their  neighbours  already 
far  away  in  pursuit,  those  clans  were  deceived  by 
the  fierce  fusillade  into  the  belief  that  Hawley's 
whole  infantry  confronted  them.  Prevented  by 
the  ravine  from  their  customary  charge,  they 


THE  FORTY-FIVE  79 

gradually  fell  back.  Those  in  their  rear,  alarmed 
by  the  movement,  fled  incontinent.  Charles  rode 
up  to  the  wavering  line.  Lord  George  also  strove 
to  rally  his  men  from  their  pursuit.  Once  more 
the  Highland  line  moved  forward.  The  enemy 
did  not  await  their  onset.  Supported  by  Cobham's 
dragoons,  the  three  regiments  that  alone  had  held 
their  ground  fell  back  on  their  camp  in  good 
order.  But  Hawley  had  no  thought  of  rallying. 
Giving  orders  to  fire  the  tents,  his  beaten  army 
toiled  despondent  through  Falkirk,  thence  to 
Linlithgow,  and  next  day  to  Edinburgh. 

On  January  19  Charles  returned  to  Bannock- 
burn,  and  the  siege  of  Stirling  Castle  was 
resumed.  Four  months  had  passed  since  he 
summoned  his  army  to  Glenfinnan,  and  the 
Highlanders  already  gazed  wistfully  to  their 
valleys  and  glens  westward  ;  for  the  plunder  of 
Hawley's  camp  and  other  loot  cumbered  their 
aching  backs  as  they  marched.  The  proud  Tandem 
Triumphans  of  the  red-crossed  banner  had  been 
justified  on  more  than  one  field.  The  army  it 
waved  over  held  an  unbeaten  record.  Still,  the 
Highlanders  were  uneasy  in  the  Lowland  plains, 
and  the  news  of  Cumberland's  advent,  of  a 
supreme  effort  to  retrieve  Cope  and  Hawley's 
failure,  quickened  their  desire  to  withdraw  to 
their  own  country.  On  January  29  a  letter  from 
the  chiefs,  still  encamped  at  Falkirk,  apprised 


8o  THE  YOtTNG  PRETENDER 

Charles  of  their  forebodings.  They  dwelt  on 
the  alarming  depletion  of  the  army  from  de- 
sertion, the  unceasing  exertions  patiently  borne, 
the  improbability  of  Stirling  Castle  falling  before 
the  Duke's  approach  would  compel  another 
engagement.  They  proposed  an  immediate  re- 
turn to  the  Highlands.  The  capture  of  the 
Government's  forts  there  would  usefully  employ 
the  winter,  and  in  the  spring  they  would  be 
ready  to  follow  the  Prince  wherever  he  would 
lead  them.  Charles  received  the  letter  with  the 
utmost  chagrin.  Already,  after  Prestonpans  and 
at  Derby,  his  sanguine  assurance  had  been  forced 
to  bow  to  the  wiser  counsels  of  his  advisers.  It 
is  to  his  credit  that  he  knew  how  to  yield 
with  good  grace.  He  did  so  now,  though  with 
bitter  regret. 

On  February  ]  Blakeney  and  his  beleaguered 
garrison  in  Stirling  Castle  watched  with  satis- 
faction the  withdrawal  of  their  besiegers  towards 
Perth.  Thence  in  three  columns  the  army  re- 
treated northward,  the  Prince  and  the  clans 
taking  the  Highland  road  to  Inverness,  which 
Loudoun  still  held  for  the  Government.  On  the 
Ifith  Charles  was  at  Moy  Hall,  the  guest  of  Lady 
Mackintosh.  His  forces  were  dispersed  at  some 
distance.  News  of  Charles  at  Moy  reached 
Loudoun,  who  resolved  to  attempt  his  capture. 
The  project  leaked  out,  and  timely  warning  was 


THE  FORTY-FIVE  81 

sent.  Sentries  were  already  round  the  house,  too 
few  to  withstand  an  assault.  Lady  Mackintosh 
resolved  upon  a  ruse.  There  was  at  Moy  a  black- 
smith, by  name  Fraser,  "  who  happened  to  be 
there  by  chance,  having  a  desire  to  see  the 
Prince."  At  nightfall  he  and  four  others  crept 
quietly  by  the  sentries  to  the  moor  through  which 
the  Inverness  road  wended.  At  length  the  tramp 
of  "  a  great  body  of  men "  broke  in  upon  their 
vigil.  Five  shots  rang  out  in  the  darkness.  One 
or  more  of  Loudoun's  men  fell  in  the  ranks. 
Then,  a  loud  voice  of  command,  "  Advance !  my 
lads !  I  think  we  have  the  dogs  now !"  The 
startled  troops  waited  for  no  more.  Pell-mell  they 
rushed  for  Inverness  and  safety,  leaving  the  strange 
battlefield  to  the  stalwart  five.  Loudoun's  attempt 
did  not  remain  long  unavenged.  Assembling  his 
column  on  the  17th,  Charles  advanced  towards 
Inverness.  Loudoun  did  not  await  him.  On  the 
18th  he  retreated  to  the  Black  Isle.  Two  days 
later  (February  20)  Inverness  and  its  castle  were 
in  Charles's  possession. 

From  the  capture  of  Inverness  to  the  fatal  day 
on  Culloden  Moor  the  story  halts  somewhat,  and 
tells  of  scattered  enterprises,  not  invariably  suc- 
cessful, on  the  one  side ;  of  quiet  preparation,  on 
the  other,  by  the  man  who  was  resolved  not  to 
fail  as  Cope  and  Hawley  had  before  him.  As  the 
chiefs  had  suggested  at  Falkirk,  the  capture  of 
6 


82  THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

the  Highland  forts  offered  employment  until  the 
spring  campaign  opened.  Fort  George  had  already 
fallen.  Fort  Augustus  surrendered  on  March  5. 
Fort  William,  garrisoned  by  Guise's  regiment, 
made  stouter  resistance,  and  kept  its  colours 
flying  until  Cumberland  reached  it  in  May. 
Blair  Castle  also  resisted  capture.  In  Suther- 
landshire  Loudoun's  retreating  force  had  been 
followed  up,  and  on  March  20  had  been  dispersed. 
While  these  several  exploits  tended  to  scatter  and 
to  weaken  the  Prince's  force,  Cumberland  was 
slowly  preparing  to  advance.  The  van  of  his  army 
reached  Aberdeen  on  February  25.  It  was  eager 
to  wipe  out  the  memory  of  past  defeats,  and  to 
"put  an  end  to  this  cursed  and  unnatural  re- 
bellion," as  Albemarle,  destined  to  be  Cumber- 
land's reluctant  successor,  phrased  it.  But  Cum- 
berland made  no  forward  move  until  April  8.  On 
the  llth  he  was  at  Cullen,  the  Spey  before  him. 
Lord  John  Drummond  and  the  Duke  of  Perth 
were  stationed  there  with  a  considerable  force, 
and  Cumberland  anticipated  resistance.  He  met 
with  none,  however,  the  clans  withdrawing  as  he 
advanced.  On  the  14th  they  joined  Charles  at 
Culloden,  and  Cumberland  advanced  to  Nairn. 

Charles  was  but  ill-prepared  for  the  decisive 
engagement  which  was  now  imminent.  So  soon 
as  Cumberland's  advance  to  Cullen  was  reported, 
urgent  summons  was  sent  to  the  scattered  clans. 


THE  FORTY-FIVE  83 

Many  a  one  had  slipped  home  to  his  shieling, 
for  the  Prince's  coffers  were  empty  and  food  was 
scarce.  It  was  seed-time,  and  others  had  gone 
hoping  to  prepare  their  fields  for  the  harvest,  and 
returning,  to  strike  another  blow  for  the  Cause. 
Those  who  had  lately  been  investing  Fort  William 
were  still  absent.  The  Mackenzies,  Glengyle's 
Macgregors,  and  the  Mackinnons  had  not  yet  re- 
turned from  the  pursuit  of  Loudoun.  Keppoch's 
men  came  up  only  on  the  very  eve  of  the  battle. 
There  was  some  thought  of  retiring  to  stronger 
ground  until  the  scattered  army  was  again  united. 
That  undoubtedly  was  the  wiser  plan.  To  do  so, 
however,  involved  the  abandonment  of  Inverness 
and  the  loss  of  the  materiel  stored  there.  So  the 
proposal  was  rejected.  In  its  place  the  scheme 
of  the  last  engagement  at  Falkirk  was  suggested. 
April  15,  as  it  happened,  was  Cumberland's  birth- 
day, and  the  anniversary  was  likely  to  have  bibu- 
lous celebration  throughout  his  camp.  It  was 
resolved  to  march  towards  Nairn  under  the  cover 
of  darkness,  and  to  fall  upon  him  unprepared. 
But  while  the  chiefs  deliberated  their  men  grew 
impatient.  They  had  been  drawn  up  since  early 
morning  (April  15)  on  the  ground  of  the  ill-fated 
morrow.  Hunger  gnawed  savagely  within  them. 
The  commissariat  was  empty — nothing  in  it  for 
to-morrow,  little  for  to-day.  By  tens  and  twenties 
the  men  fell  out.  Battle  and  a  long  march  as 
6—2 


84  THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

grace  to  it  their  empty  stomachs  rejected.  The 
country  round  swarmed  with  these  hungry  sons  of 
Appin  and  the  glens.  In  such  circumstances 
the  projected  night-march  seemed  hopeless.  But 
Charles  would  not  hear  of  its  abandonment.  At 
eight  o'clock  the  slender  column  moved.  The 
Mackintoshes  led  as  guides.  The  Atholl  brigade 
and  the  Camerons  followed  them.  It  was  hard  to 
keep  the  line  in  the  darkness.  Message  after 
message  was  passed  from  the  rear  to  check  the 
leading  files.  Halts  were  frequent,  and  at  one 
o'clock  in  the  morning  no  more  than  six  miles 
had  been  traversed.  Nairn  was  still  four  miles 
distant,  and  the  dawn  approaching.  Onward  for 
another  hour  the  column  struggled.  Again  it 
halted.  All  agreed  that  further  effort  was  use- 
less, and  as  the  gray  dawn  began  to  break  the 
weary  men  toiled  back  to  Culloden.  No  food 
awaited  them.  Some  threw  themselves  down  to 
snatch  a  few  hours'  rest,  others  wandered  even 
to  Inverness  in  search  of  food  and  drink,  and 
"  the  said  refreshment  so  lulled  [them]  asleep, 
that,  designing  only  to  take  ane  hour's  rest  or 
two,  they  were  afterwards  surprised  and  killed  in 
their  beds,"  writes  one  who  heard  the  distant 
boom  of  guns  on  Drummossie  and  galloped  from 
Inverness  at  their  summons,  with  no  more  than  a 
modest  drink  of  ale  to  supply  his  need. 

Empty  stomachs  and  a  weary  night-march  were 


THE  FORTY-FIVE  85 

an  ill-preparation  for  battle.     Many  of  the  clans 
had  not  yet  come  up,  Cluny's  among  them.     But 
Cumberland  was  approaching,  a  battle  inevitable. 
Between  ten  and  eleven  in  the  morning  (April  1 H) 
the  wearied  regiments  were  drawn  up,  somewhat 
to  the  rear  of  the  previous  day's  position.     At  this 
critical  moment   Lord  George  would  have  with- 
drawn behind  Nairn  water,  and,  awaiting  Cluny 
and  the  rest,  would  have  challenged  Cumberland 
with  added  strength  next  day.     It  was  too  late. 
Charles  was  already  chafing  at  the  slowness  with 
which  the  lines  were  formed  :  the  Atholl  brigade, 
Camerons,    Stewarts,  Frasers,    and    Mackintoshes 
on  the  right ;    the    Macdonalds   (grumbling  and 
superstitious    in    their    unaccustomed    position), 
Macleans,   Macleods,    and    Farquharsons   on    the 
left.       The   Lowland  regiments  and  the  cavalry 
were  in  the  rear,  Charles  in  the  centre  behind  the 
first  line.     Six  guns  were  in  position,  two  on  the 
flanks,  two  in  the  centre. 

Hardly  were  the  lines  formed  before  Cumber- 
land came  in  sight.  His  enemy  being  in  view, 
he  halted,  broke  his  columns  into  two  lines  of  foot 
flanked  with  horse,  with  a  strong  reserve  in  the 
rear,  and  then  advanced.  At  a  third  of  a  mile's 
distance  the  horses  drawing  his  guns  floundered 
in  the  marshy  ground.  Once  across  it  they 
opened  fire,  "  making  lanes  through  the  Highland 
regiments."  If  Cumberland  knew  the  High- 


86  THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

landers,  they  would  not  long  face  that  murdering 
storm.  His  design  was  to  goad  them  from  their 
ground,  to  force  them  to  attack  him  across  the 
boggy  ground,  where  Wolfe's  regiment,  for  one, 
stood  ankle  deep  in  water.  For  an  hour  the 
cannonade  continued  ;  but  the  clans  stood  im- 
passive as  the  squares  at  Waterloo.  Still  the  guns 
persevered,  while  the  Duke  shifted  Wolfe's  regi- 
ment to  the  front,  facing  north  en  potence,  ready 
to  mow  down  the  Highlanders  with  a  flanking 
fire  whenever  they  should  charge.  Still  the  guns 
crashed  death  through  the  passive  lines.  At  last 
they  broke.  The  Mackintoshes  from  the  centre, 
the  Macleans  and  Maclachlans  on  their  left, 
Camerons,  Stewarts,  and  Erasers  on  their  right, 
hurled  themselves  in  one  swarming  cloud  upon 
Cumberland's  front.  Spite  of  the  storm  of  grape- 
shot  from  the  guns  they  broke  through  the  first 
line.  Barrell's  and  Monro's  regiments  were 
pierced  and  fled,  but  deploying  right  and  left, 
exposed  Sempill's  in  their  rear,  steady  and  ex- 
pectant. On  the  Highlanders  charged.  Wolfe's 
raked  them  on  the  flank.  Sempill's  poured  in 
volleys  on  their  front.  The  battle  became  a 
battue,  the  moor  a  shambles.  Maclachlan  fell, 
torn  by  a  cannon-ball.  His  lieutenant-colonel, 
Maclean  of  Drimnin,  was  killed  by  a  random  shot. 
Of  the  Mackintoshes'  officers  three  only  survived. 
Lochiel,  in  the  first  onset,  when  close  to  Barrell's, 


THE  FORTY-FIVE  87 

had  fired  his  pistol,  and  with  claymore  drawn 
waved  on  his  clan,  when  a  charge  of  grape-shot 
brought  him  down,  wounded  in  both  ankles.  But 
the  tragedy  is  incomplete.  The  impetuous  rush 
of  the  Mackintoshes  had  left  the  clans  on  the  left 
still  standing  hesitant.  But  not  for  long.  The 
Macdonalds  and  Farquharsons  bore  down  on  the 
regiments  fronting  them.  Sword  in  hand  they 
had  all  but  joined  issue,  when  the  disaster  on  their 
right  pulled  them  up  in  anxious  pause.  Brave 
old  Keppoch  scorned  retreat,  and  fell  to  rise  no 
more.  Those  behind  him  fell  back  to  where  the 
Lowland  line  still  stood.  In  numbers  they  were 
considerable,  "but  their  hearts  were  broken." 
Cumberland's  cavalry  moved  circling  upon  them. 
His  infantry  at  length  advanced.  The  day  was 
lost,  retreat  insistent.  The  army  crumbled  away, 
the  clans  towards  Badenoch,  the  rest  to  Inverness, 
as  the  dusk  settled  over  the  gory  battle-field, 
over  the  Cause  it  glorified,  but  whose  end 
it  was. 


CHAPTER  IV 

IN    THE    HIGHLANDS    (1746) 

Charles's  Plans  after  Culloden— Edward  Burke  acts  as 
Guide  —  Charles's  Flight  —  Meets  Lord  Lovat  — 
Reaches  Borradale — Donald  Macleod  agrees  to  pilot 
Him  to  the  Long  Island — The  Voyage  to  Stornoway 
— Charles's  incognito  revealed — The  Stornoway  People 
refuse  Help — Charles  doubles  back  to  South  Uist — 
Communicates  with  Lochiel  and  Murray  of  Broughton 
— Charles  resolves  to  enlist  Lady  Clanranald's  Help — 
In  Benbecula — A  Squadron  in  search  of  Him — Charles 
sails  to  Loch  Boisdale — Meets  Flora  Macdonald — 
Plans  an  Escape  to  Skye — Flora  secures  Passports — 
Charles's  anxious  Waiting  at  Coradale — Flora  joins 
Him  at  Rossinish — Charles  dressed  as  "Betty  Burke" 
— The  Journey  to  Skye — Flora  enlists  Lady  Margaret 
Macdonald's  Help  — Charles  at  Kingsburgh — The 
"  Rape  of  the  Lock  " — Charles  bids  Flora  farewell — 
Sails  from  Portree  to  Raasa — Doubles  back  to  Skye — 
Macleod  conducts  Him  to  Elgol — The  Mackinnons 
convey  Him  to  Mallaig — Macdonald  of  Borradale 
gives  Shelter — Cumberland  sends  out  Troops  to 
search  for  Him — Charles  breaks  the  cordon,  and 
skulks  in  Glenmoriston — Returns  Southward,  and 
joins  Lochiel  in  Benalder — In  Cluny's  "  Cage " — 


IN  THE  HIGHLANDS  (1746)          89 

Wild  Rumours  as  to  his  Movements— The  French 
Ships  Prince  de  Conti  and  UHeureux  arrive  at  Loch- 
nanuagh — The  Search  for  Charles — He  comes  on 
Board— Departure  for  France— Lands  at  Roscoff,  near 
Morlaix. 

/CHARLES'S  conduct  after  the  Battle  of 
V_x  Culloden  is  a  debated  subject.  The  truth 
appears  to  be,  that  no  arrangements  of  any  kind 
had  been  made  to  meet  the  chances  of  defeat. 
The  discouraging  circumstances  preceding  the 
battle  ought  to  have  suggested  the  wisdom  of 
such  a  course,  but  the  brief  interval  between  the 
night-march  to  Nairn  and  the  battle,  the  absence 
of  so  many  of  the  clans,  and  the  evident  want  of 
harmony  among  the  Prince's  officers,  all  contri- 
buted to  prevent  the  conclusion  of  any  intelligible 
scheme.  When  the  battle  was  clearly  lost,  the 
first  thought  of  all,  without  distinction,  was  to 
place  as  considerable  a  distance  as  possible  be- 
tween themselves  and  Cumberland's  pursuing 
forces.  No  effort  was  made  to  retire  in  a  body, 
and  Charles,  if  he  fled  more  precipitately  than 
the  rest,  had  greater  reason  than  his  followers  to 
dread  capture.  One  indefinite  idea  seems  to  have 
survived  the  first  crash  of  defeat,  that  a  rally 
would  be  made  somewhere  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Fort  Augustus.  Mr.  Lang  quotes  a  letter  to 
Cluny  from  Alexander  Macleod,  Charles's  aide- 
de-camp,  dated  from  Gortleg  on  April  16,  a  few 


9o  THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

hours  after  the  battle  :  "  We  are  to  review  to- 
morrow at  Fort  Augustus/'  he  writes,  bidding 
Cluny  bring  his  clan  thither.  Captain  Felix 
O'Neil  also  declares  that  a  rendezvous  at  Fort 
Augustus  was  contemplated.  His  testimony  Mr. 
Lang  discredits,  on  the  ground  that  he  lied  with 
the  purpose  of  shielding  Charles  from  the  charge 
of  having  deserted  his  followers.  But  there  has 
recently  been  printed  an  earlier  statement  of 
O'Neil,  communicated  to  people  whose  prisoner 
he  was,  and  whom  he  was  under  no  obligation  of 
loyalty  to  endeavour  to  convince  as  to  his  master's 
conduct.  Therein  he  states  that,  following  in  the 
wake  of  the  Prince  from  Culloden,  he  received  a 
message  from  him  to  follow  him  to  Fort  Augustus, 
where  a  stand  was  to  be  made  ;  that  he  did  so,  but 
found  only  a  few  people  there,  and  the  Prince 
already  gone  on  towards  the  coast.  No  motive 
appears  for  a  lie  on  O'Neil's  part  in  this  matter, 
though  his  reputation  for  truth-telling  is  other- 
wise far  from  satisfactory.  Nor  is  it  easy  to 
understand  why  Charles's  aide-de-camp,  writing 
under  his  master's  eye,  should  have  directed 
Cluny  to  Fort  Augustus  unless  a  rendezvous  was, 
as  Charles  imagined,  to  be  held  there.  That  the 
whole  thing  was  grievously  bungled  cannot  be 
gainsaid.  The  fact  strikes  Charles's  military 
reputation,  but  not  his  personal  courage.  Lord 
George  Murray  knew  nothing  of  the  proposed 


IN  THE  HIGHLANDS  (1746)          91 

rally,   as   he   told   Cluny.     On   the   other  hand, 
Lord  George,  who  wrote  to  Charles  from  Ruthven 
on  April  1 7,  gave  no  hint  that  the  clans  with  him 
were  still  of  a  mind  to  face  Cumberland.     He  had 
always  been  their  mouthpiece  in  their  communica- 
tions with  Charles,  and  as  he  announced  his  wish  to 
lay  down  his  commission,  the  Prince,  if  he  received 
the  letter,  probably,  and  with  some  reason,  con- 
cluded that  Lord  George  was  the  spokesman  of 
his  constituents.     One  concludes,  therefore,  that 
Charles   did   expect,   in  a  hazy   and    ill-defined 
manner,  to  bring  his  followers  to  a  head  at  or  near 
Fort  Augustus  ;  that  the  project  was  not  officially 
discussed,  and  still  less   sanctioned  ;  that  it  was 
communicated  to  his  immediate  Irish  following, 
who,  however,   were  concerned  rather  with  his 
personal   safety  and   their  own    than  with    the 
further  prosecution  of  an  enterprise  which  they 
regarded  as  hopelessly  lost.     On  the  other  hand, 
ignorant  of  Charles's  intentions,  Lord  George  and 
the  rest  had  some  reason  for  regarding  his  hasty 
flight  as  his  acknowledgment  that  all  was  over. 
Whatever  may  have  been  the  spirit  of  those  who 
rallied  at  Ruthven,  and  afterwards,  on  May  8,  at 
Murlaggan,  their  view  of  the  situation  must  have 
been   coloured   by   the,  to  them,  unaccountable 
defection  of  their  leader.     That  that  defection 
was  due  to  cowardice,  or  to  a  selfish  regard  for 
his  own  safety,  Charles's  conduct  throughout  the 


92  THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

rising  gives  emphatic  denial.  Indeed,  in  Sep- 
tember, 1746,  after  weary  months  of  travel,  when 
at  length  he  joined  Cluny  and  Lochiel  in  the 
recesses  of  Benalder,  he  was  still  of  a  mind  to 
summon  the  clans,  and,  if  Fate  willed  it,  to  die 
sword  in  hand,  a  proposal  which  both  Cluny  and 
Lochiel  denounced  as  worthy  of  Don  Quixote. 

Amid  the  rout  of  his  army  on  April  16  Charles 
espied  one  Edward  Burke,  "  a  common  chairman 
in  Edinburgh,"  and  begged  him  to  be  his  guide 
to  some  place  of  safety.  Burke  proudly  undertook 
the  responsibility.  Crossing  Nairn  water,  Charles, 
after  some  discussion,  dismissed  his  escort,  and, 
accompanied  by  Sir  Thomas  Sheridan,  O' Sullivan, 
and  others,  rode  southward  to  Gortleg.  Here 
Lord  Lovat  offered  refreshment,  and  Charles 
drank  "  three  glasses  of  wine  "  with  him.  On 
the  fugitives  pressed,  and  the  early  hours  of  the 
17th  found  them  at  Invergarry.  The  castle 
frowned  empty  and  inhospitable  upon  them,  but 
Burke  caught  a  couple  of  salmon  in  the  loch  and 
cooked  a  hasty  breakfast,  "  reckoned  very  savoury 
and  acceptable  "  by  the  weary  men.  At  three  in 
the  afternoon  the  flight  was  resumed,  Charles 
riding  in  Burke's  coat  until  a  better  disguise  could 
be  had.  By  two  o'clock  the  next  morning 
(April  18)  Charles  was  at  Glenpean,  thoroughly 
worn  out,  not  having  slept  "  for  five  days  and 
nights."  Here  he  rested  well  on  into  the  after- 


IN  THE  HIGHLANDS  (1746)          93 

noon.  He  expected  intelligence  from  his  scattered 
army — Lord  George  wrote  from  Ruthven  on  the 
17th — but  receiving  none,  set  out  on  foot  "over 
almost  inaccessible  mountains,"  rested  a  few  hours 
in  a  shieling,  and  on  the  20th  was  at  Borradale. 
At  length  the  coast  was  reached,  but  Fortune 
dealt  unkindly  with  him.  Had  he  come  to 
Borradale  a  fortnight  later,  the  French  vessels 
which  bore  the  quarrel-breeding  treasure  to  Scot- 
land might  have  taken  him  and  their  luckless 
cargo  back  to  France.  As  it  was,  no  succour 
appeared.  For  a  week  Charles  lurked  in  Borra- 
dale, scanning  the  horizon  for  a  friendly  sail. 
His  brave  trappings  had  been  discarded.  Burke's 
coat  again  covered  its  owner's  back,  and  "a  sute 
of  new  Highland  cloaths,"  the  gift  of  Macdonald 
of  Borradale' s  wife,  sat  uneasily  upon  the  Prince's 
limbs. 

Succour,  however,  was  at  hand,  though  not 
from  France.  On  the  day  following  Charles's 
arrival  in  Borradale  there  came  thither  Donald 
Macleod,  a  sturdy,  simple-minded  hero,  one  of  the 
most  lovable  of  those  whose  loyalty  sheltered 
their  Prince  in  these  dark  days.  Donald  was  a 
Skye  man,  Gualtergill  his  home.  He  had  been 
sent  to  Borradale  by  Macdonald  the  banker  ex- 
pressly to  pilot  Charles  to  the  Long  Island  if 
necessity  arose.  Charles  was  wandering  alone  in 
a  wood  when  Donald  met  him.  His  first  request 


94  THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

was  that  Donald  should  bear  a  message  to  Mac- 
donald  of  Sleat  and  Macleod  of  Macleod.  Donald 
bluntly  refused.  "  Na,  you  mauna  do't,"  he 
counselled,  and  wondered  that  "  His  Excellency  " 
did  not  know  that  both  men  had  "played  the 
rogue."  Charles  offered  him  a  more  grateful 
service,  to  pilot  him  to  the  Long  Island,  "  where 
I  may  look  for  more  safety  than  I  can  do  here," 
he  explained.  Donald  readily  agreed,  and  at  once 
began  to  make  his  preparations.  Borradale's  son 
provided  a  "  stout  eight-oar'd  boat,"  and  the 
careful  Donald  procured  "  a  pot  for  boyling 
pottage  "  and  "  a  poor  firlot  of  meal "  for  the 
voyage. 

All  being  ready,  Charles  went  on  board  his 
boat  at  Lochnanuagh  "  in  the  twilight  of  the 
evening  "  of  April  26.  Passengers  and  crew 
numbered  fourteen.  They  had  not  proceeded 
far  before  a  sudden  and  violent  storm  broke  upon 
them.  Charles  importuned  Donald  to  steer  for 
safety.  "  I  had  rather  face  cannons  and  muskets 
than  be  in  such  a  storm  as  this,"  he  admitted. 
But  Donald  would  not  listen  to  the  proposal. 
Straining  muscles  fought  the  waves,  until  daybreak 
found  them  near  Rossinish  in  Benbecula.  Here 
they  landed,  and  dried  their  clothes  at  the  fire  in 
an  untenanted  hut,  on  whose  floor,  an  old  sail- 
cloth for  a  blanket,  Charles  slept  soundly.  There 
they  remained  for  two  days,  and  killed  a  cow  for 


IN  THE  HIGHLANDS  (1746)          9S 

Donald's  pot.  On  the  2<)th  they  again  put  to  sea, 
and,  steering  northward,  landed  on  Scalpa  early 
on  the  30th.  Donald  had  an  acquaintance  there, 
one  Donald  Campbell,  to  whom  he  brought  the 
Prince.  Charles  passed  for  the  moment  as  "  Mr. 
Sinclair,"  the  name  of  a  shipwrecked  merchant. 
After  a  day's  rest  Donald  Macleod  borrowed  a 
boat  from  their  host  and  sailed  to  Stornoway. 
His  instructions  were  to  hire  a  vessel  "under 
pretence  of  sailing  to  the  Orkneys."  With  some 
difficulty  Donald  found  a  vessel  to  his  mind,  and 
sent  a  message  to  Charles  at  Scalpa  to  tell  him  so. 
On  May  4  Charles  set  out  for  Stornoway  with 
O'Sullivan  and  O'Neil.  They  went  on  foot, 
a  weary  tramp  of  nearly  forty  miles  owing  to  a 
mistake  of  their  guide.  Morning  (May  5)  found 
them  on  a  moor  near  Stornoway,  "  all  wet  to  the 
skin,"  hungry  and  thirsty  to  boot.  Presently 
Donald  joined  them  with  welcome  supplies — a 
bottle  of  brandy  and  some  bread  and  cheese. 
After  their  meal  he  led  them  to  Mrs.  Mackenzie's 
house  at  Kildun,  there  to  remain  until  all  was 
ready  for  the  voyage.  Charles  was  obliged  to 
throw  off  his  shirt,  "  which  one  of  the  company 
did  wring  upon  the  hearth-stone,  and  did  spread 
it  upon  a  chair  before  the  fire  to  have  it  dried." 
Leaving  the  three  men  steaming  before  the  blaze, 
DonaW  trudged  back  to  Stonioway.  He  found 
the  village  in  a  hubbub  of  excitement,  and  its 


96  THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

population  under  arms.  "  Mr.  Sinclair's  "  incognito 
was  revealed.  From  South  Uist  John  Macaulay, 
a  Presbyterian  preacher,  and  Lord  Macaulay's 
grandfather,  had  sent  news  of  the  fugitive 
to  his  father  in  the  Harris,  and  he  again  had 
passed  it  on  to  the  Lewis.  The  story  grew  as  it 
travelled.  Five  hundred  men  were  said  to  be 
with  Charles.  Donald  endeavoured  to  smother 
the  fiction.  The  Prince  was  on  the  island,  he 
admitted,  but  with  only  two  companions,  "and 
when  I  am  there  I  make  the  third,"  he  added. 
"And  yet  let  me  tell  you  farther,  gentlemen," 
he  went  on,  "  if  Seaforth  himself  were  here,  by 

G he  durst  not  put  a  hand  to  the  Prince's 

breast."  But  Seaforth's  tenants  were  not  to  be 
reasoned  with.  They  knew  what  to  expect  from 
Cumberland's  soldiery  if  Charles  remained  among 
them.  They  would  not  even  furnish  him  with 
a  pilot.  Back  to  Kildun  Donald  went  with  his 
bad  news.  Everything  counselled  an  immediate 
flight.  But  Charles  was  "  quite  undone  "  by  his 
long  tramp,  and  bluntly  refused  to  stir  until  he 
had  had  some  rest.  Next  morning  (May  6)  they 
started.  Donald  had  his  boat  ready,  and  in  her 
they  sailed  to  Euirn,  or  lubhard,  an  islet  in 
Loch  Shiel,  some  twelve  miles  south  of  Storno- 
way.  The  fishing-boats  of  the  Lewis  were  wont 
to  ply  round  it,  but  it  was  uninhabited.  The 
fugitives  found  a  "low,  pityful  hut"  upon  it. 


IN  THE  HIGHLANDS  (1746)          97 

Its  roof  had  long  since  tumbled  in,  but  the  boat1-, 
sail  served  to  keep  out  the  weather.  Here  the y 
remained  four  days.  Brandy  and  sugar  they  had 
brought  with  them,  and  a  derelict  pitcher  brewed 
them  warm  punch,  until  an  accident  broke  it. 
"  Good  dry  fish  "  was  found  in  plenty  on  the 
rocks,  and  heather  and  turf  made  a  cheerful  fire. 
On  the  10th  they  put  to  sea.  Charles  had  a  mind 
to  see  Donald  Campbell,  his  host  at  Scalpa,  and 
thither  they  steered.  But  Campbell  was  not  at 
home.  A  rumour  of  his  having  entertained  the 
Prince  had  got  abroad,  and  he  had  "gone  a 
skulking  for  fear  of  being  laid  up."  Again  the 
travellers  put  to  sea — Campbell's  boat  carried 
them  still — and  coasted  southward.  Twice  they 
were  alarmed  at  the  sight  of  ships,  once  at  Fins- 
bay,  and  again  at  Loch  Maddy  in  North  Uist.  All 
night  they  toiled.  Their  stock  of  provisions  ran 
low,  and  meal  mixed  with  salt  water  furnished  a 
meagre  breakfast.  But  Charles's  constitution  was 
still  young  and  unimpaired.  "  Never  any  meat  or 
drink  came  wrong  to  him,"  the  admiring  Donald 
records,  and  he  "  was  always  ch earful  and  con- 
tented in  every  condition."  Later  in  the  day 
(May  11)  they  landed  at  Loch  Uskavagh  in  Ben- 
becula.  A  "  poor  grasskeeper's  bothy  or  hut " 
gave  them  shelter  for  three  days.  Its  doorway 
was  low,  and  Charles,  like  his  ill-fated  ancestor 
Darnley,  was  a  "  lang  lad."  So  his  companions 
7 


98  THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

"digged  below  the  door  and  put  heather  below 
the  Prince's  knees,  to  let  him  go  easier  into  the 
poor  hut"  on  all  fours.  Their  larder  was  soon 
replenished,  for  Charles  was  a  good  sportsman, 
and  game  and  fish  were  plentiful.  On  the  14th 
they  moved  on  again,  and  beached  their  boat  at 
the  foot  of  Coradale  in  South  Uist,  where  a 
forester's  hut,  "better  than  ordinary,"  gave  them 
shelter. 

Nearly  a  month  had  passed  since  Charles  rode 
headlong  from  his  defeat  at  Culloden.  In  the 
interval  he  had  been  perpetually  moving.  Of 
his  followers  and  their  fate  he  had  heard  little. 
So  soon  as  he  had  taken  up  his  quarters  in 
Coradale,  he  despatched  the  faithful  Donald  to 
the  mainland  for  news  and  money,  for  his  purse 
ran  low.  Donald  found  Lochiel  and  Murray  of 
Broughton  near  Loch  Arkaig  and  its  buried  gold. 
But  he  got  none  of  it  for  his  master.  Murray — 
who  had  appropriated  about  £5,000  of  it — roundly 
declared  that  he  had  no  more  than  sixty  louis  d'or; 
an  insignificant  sum  not  worth  sending,  he  told 
Donald.  Donald  managed  to  find  a  couple  of 
guineas  to  expend  on  brandy,  two  ankers  of  it, 
twenty  gallons!  He  took  it  back  with  him  to 
Coradale,  where  it  arrived  opportunely,  for  Charles 
was  not  without  visitors.  Boisdale,  who  months 
before  had  prophesied  disaster,  and  other  Mac- 
donalds  came  to  him.  There  was  a  good  deal  of 


IN  THE  HIGHLANDS  (1746)          99 

heavy  drinking,  but  Charles  "stood  it  out  better 
than  any  one  of  them."  Lady  Clanranald  had 
already  replenished  the  scanty  wardrobe  he  had 
got  in  Borradale.  Tartan  coat,  vest,  hose  and 
brogues,  all  plentifully  covered  with  soot  from  the 
peat  fire,  adorned  him  as  he  held  his  clandestine 
Court.  But  even  in  that  remote  corner  he  was 
not  safe.  Hugh  Macdonald  of  Balshair,  seemingly 
on  June  3,  brought  the  news  that  the  Macleods 
were  in  full  cry  after  him.  Campbell  of  Mamore 
and  a  squadron  were  also  searching  for  him  among 
the  islands.  The  situation  was  critical,  and  Charles 
resolved  to  enlist  the  help  of  Lady  Clanranald. 
On  June  6  he  again  took  to  Campbell's  boat, 
and,  steering  northward,  landed  on  Wiay.  He 
remained  there  until  the  10th,  when  with  O'Neil 
he  proceeded  to  Rossinish,  near  Nunton,  Lady 
Clanranald's  house.  The  circle  of  foes  was  narrow- 
ing upon  him,  and  Benbecula  was  not  safe.  On 
the  12th,  under  cover  of  night,  Donald  and 
O'Sullivan  fetched  Charles  from  Rossinish  and 
made  for  their  old  haunt  in  Coradale.  Bad 
weather  brought  them  up  within  three  miles  of 
it,  and  Charles  and  his  dripping  company  found 
scanty  shelter  at  nightfall  (June  1 3)  in  a  cleft  of 
a  rock  on  the  shore.  Next  day  they  groped  their 
way  cautiously  southward  towards  Loch  Boisdale. 
But  the  sea  bore  too  many  suspicious  craft,  and 
they  dared  go  no  further  than  Kyle  Stuley.  Next 
7—2 


ioo         THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

day  (June  15)  they  made  the  loch,  but  only  in 
the  nick  of  time.  Two  vessels,  which  for  one 
delirious  moment  Donald  declared  to  be  French, 
appeared  at  the  mouth  of  it.  For  the  next  few 
days  Charles  skulked  in  the  heather.  Not  even 
there  was  he  safe ;  the  redcoats  were  within  two 
miles  of  him.  In  South  Uist  clearly  the  scent 
was  too  keen.  Charles's  one  chance  was  to  double 
on  the  pack  pursuing  him.  By  sea  that  was 
impossible  ;  the  venture  must  be  by  land.  So  on 
June  21  Charles  took  a  sorrowful  farewell  of 
sturdy  old  Donald.  Campbell's  boat,  too,  had 
done  its  work.  Donald  left  it  sunk  beneath  the 
waters  of  the  loch  as  he  sadly  set  his  face  south- 
ward, and,  as  it  befell  him,  to  captivity.  The  day 
that  parted  him  from  Charles  brought  Charles  to 
Flora  Macdonald. 

Flora  Macdonald  had  lately  come  from  Skye  to 
visit  her  brother  at  Milton,  on  the  western  coast  of 
South  Uist.  That  Charles  was  on  the  island  she 
already  knew,  for  O'Neil  had  met  her,  probably 
during  the  long  seclusion  in  Coradale,  O'Neil 
must  tell  his  own  story:  He  and  the  Prince  at 
nightfall  on  June  21  cautiously  made  their 
way  from  Loch  Boisdale,  for  Captain  Carolina 
Scott  was  known  to  be  in  the  neighbourhood. 
Flora's  stepfather,  Hugh  Macdonald  of  Armadale, 
was  an  officer  of  the  Skye  militia  then  scouring 
South  Uist.  Flora  had  crept  out  from  Milton, 


FLORA   MACUUNALU 


IN  THE  HIGHLANDS  (1746)         101 

one  may  conjecture,  to  give  O'Neil  timely  notice 
of  their  movements.  At  midnight  O'  Neil  met  her, 
while  Charles  remained  at  some  distance.  O'Neil 
asked  if  the  militia  were  to  pass  there  that  day. 
She  told  him  no,  but  the  day  after.  "  Then  I 
told  her/'  O'Neil  continues,  "  I  brought  a  friend 
to  see  her,  and  she,  with  some  emotion,  asked  me 
if  it  was  the  Prince.  I  answered  her  it  was,  and 
instantly  brought  him  in."  So  the  two  met  whom 
romance  so  closely  links  in  innocent  and  loyal 
comradeship.  But  no  glamour  of  romance  covered 
that  council  of  three.  The  moment  was  instinct 
with  the  need  for  action  prompt  and  decisive. 
O'Neil  bluntly  formulated  his  plan,  that  Flora 
should  somehow  convey  the  Prince  to  her  mother's 
home  in  Skye.  The  scheme  was  hazardous,  but 
Flora  thought  rather  of  the  suspicion  which  would 
fall  upon  her  chief,  Sir  Alexander  Macdonald,  then 
attending  Cumberland.  O'Neil  persisted,  and 
dwelt  upon  "the  honour  and  immortality  that 
would  redound  to  her."  Charles  also  assured  her 
of  his  undying  gratitude,  and  at  length  the  brave 
girl  consented.  They  parted  in  the  early  morn- 
ing, she  to  Nunton  (Clanranald's  home)  to  make 
preparations,  Charles  and  O'Neil  to  their  old 
haunt  in  Coradale. 

In  what  imminent  danger  her  Prince  stood  was 
apparent  to  Flora  from  an  incident  on  her  way  to 
Nunton.  She  and  her  attendant,  Neil  Maceachain, 


102         THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

had  not  proceeded  far  when  they  were  challenged 
by  a  party  of  militia,  and,  having  no  passport,  were 
detained  in  custody.  By  good  fortune  her  step- 
father was  captain  of  the  company,  and  when  he 
arrived  next  day  (June  22)  she  told  him  the 
dangerous  scheme  to  which  she  had  committed 
herself.  Details  of  it  had  no  doubt  been  discussed 
already  near  Milton:  Charles  was  to  go  under 
the  disguise  of  "Betty  Burke" — in  one  of  his 
narratives  O'Neil  seems  to  suggest  that  it  was 
Charles's  own  idea — and  Betty,  "  a  good  spinster," 
was  to  accompany  Flora  to  Armadale,  where  Mrs. 
Macdonald  had  "  much  lint  to  spin."  The  scheme 
was  a  bold  one,  but  plausible.  Passports,  how- 
ever, were  needed,  and  Flora  begged  her  step- 
father to  grant  them.  He  complied  readily,  for 
at  heart  he  was  a  Jacobite,  and  set  her  at  liberty. 
So  with  passports  for  herself,  Betty  Burke,  and 
Neil  Maceachain,  and  a  letter  from  Captain  Mac- 
donald to  his  wife  recommending  the  virtues  of 
that  paragon  among  spinsters  Betty  Burke,  Flora 
continued  her  journey  to  Nunton. 

Meanwhile,  Charles  and  O'Neil  had  reached 
the  shelter  of  Coradale.  On  the  22nd  they 
received  a  message  from  Flora  that  all  was  well. 
Neil  no  doubt  was  the  bearer,  and  he  would 
report  the  good  news  of  the  passports.  But  the 
hours  passed,  and  no  signal  came  from  Flora. 
Charles  became  irritable  and  anxious,  as  Neil  has 


IN  THE  HIGHLANDS  (1746)         103 

left  on  record.     O'Neil  even  declares  that  he  had 
made  up  his  mind  to  surrender.    That  his  buoyant 
nature  should  have  bowed  before  a  position  seem- 
ingly hopeless  may  be  forgiven  him.     Action  was 
the  blood  of  him,  suspense  a  weariness.     For  a 
moment  the  scheme  agreed  upon  was  in  danger  ot 
breaking   down   entirely.      An    alternative— that 
Hugh   Macdonald  of  Balshair   should   pilot   the 
Prince    northward — was   proposed   from    Nunton 
and   abandoned.     Betty  Burke   perforce  donned 
her  petticoats.     On  the  23rd   Neil  managed  to 
transport  Charles  and  O'Neil  to  Wiay.     Next  day 
found    them    on    Benbecula  scouting  cautiously 
towards  Rossinish,  the  rendezvous.     They  reached 
it  at  midnight.     Three  more  days  of  heart-eating 
anxiety  passed  slowly.     At  length  all  was  ready, 
and  on  the  27th   Flora,  Lady  Clanranald,  and  a 
Mrs.  Macdonald,  escorted   by  O'Neil,  proceeded 
to  Rossinish.     They  found   Charles,  the  prey  ot 
myriad  midges,  in  a  tiny  hut  cooking  his  dinner, 
"  the  heart,  liver,  kidneys,  etc.,  of  a  bullock  or 
sheep,"  upon  a  wooden  spit.     The  fare  was  not 
regal,  but  with  Flora  on  his  right  hand  and  Lady 
Clanranald  on  his  left,  "  all  dined  very  heartily." 
Dinner  ended,  there  was  some  "jocose  drollery  " 
regarding  Betty  Burke  and  her  clothing.     Lady 
Clanranald    begged    Charles   to   try   on   his   un- 
accustomed gear,  and,  "with  some  tears  for  the 
occasion,"  dressed  him  in  his  new  habit,  a  coarse 


104  THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

calico  gown,  quilted  petticoats  of  light  colour,  a 
dun-coloured  woollen    cloak,  with    a  hood  made 
(Irish  fashion)  to  cover  the  "lang,  odd  hussie's  " 
boyish  face  and  bristly  chin.     A  note  of  warning 
broke  up  the  feast.     Captain  John  Fergusson  and 
an  advanced  section  of  Campbell's  men  were  already 
at  Nunton.    The  party  scattered,  Lady  Clanranald 
to    Nunton  to  explain  her  absence,  the   rest  to 
Loch     Uskavagh.     Fresh   alarm   disturbed   them 
there.     "Very  wet  and  wearied,"  they  had  made 
a  fire  upon  a  rock   to  warm  them    until    night- 
fall.    But  the  blaze  was  observed,  and  soon  four 
armed  wherries  were  making  for  the  shore.     Ex- 
tinguishing the  fire,  Charles  and  his  party  made 
for  the  heather,  and  lay  concealed  there  until  the 
evening.     By  eight   o'clock  (June  28)  the  coast 
was  clear,  and  the  moment  of  departure  at  hand. 
O'Neil  begged  to  be  allowed  to  accompany  his 
master.      Flora   refused.     She    had    no   pass    for 
him,  and  objected  that  he  knew  no  Gaelic,  and 
had  a  "foreign  air"  likely  to  compromise  them. 
Sadly  he  saw  them  depart,  for  Flora,  one  gathers, 
took  some  of  his  heart  with  her.     He  was  made 
prisoner  soon  after,  and  so  remained  until  February, 
1747. 

It  was  a  clear  summer  evening  when  Charles 
set  sail  from  Loch  Uskavagh  "over  the  sea  to 
Skye."  But  the  fair  promise  was  not  fulfilled. 
About  a  league  from  shore  the  sea  became  rough 


IN  THE  HIGHLANDS  (1746)        105 

and  the  wind  blew  half  a  gale.  With  Benbecula 
and  its  dangers  behind  him,  Charles  "  seemed  to 
be  in  good  spirits,"  and  watched  over  the  sleeping 
Flora  while  he  sang  songs  to  hearten  his  crew. 
With  the  morning  the  sea  grew  calm,  and  the 
Point  of  Vaternish  rose  before  them.  Their 
ubiquitous  enemy  was  awaiting  them.  Three 
boats  lay  moored  near  the  shore.  A  shot  whistled 
over  them,  a  summons  to  bring-to.  Bending  to 
their  oars  the  boatmen  drove  their  boat  into  a 
friendly  creek.  There  they  rested  and  break- 
fasted, and,  no  pursuer  being  in  sight,  brought 
their  charge  in  safety  to  Kilbride.  The  first 
stage  of  the  adventure  was  over,  but  other  help 
was  needed  for  its  accomplishment.  Not  far 
northward  of  Kilbride  lay  Monkstat,  or  Mugstot, 
Lady  Margaret  Macdonald's  home.  Thither  Flora 
went  with  Neil,  leaving  Charles  upon  the  shore. 
Her  arrival  was  sadly  ill-timed.  The  militia 
were  not  far  distant,  and  their  commander, 
Lieutenant  Macleod,  was  in  the  house.  Leaving 
Flora  to  hold  him  in  conversation,  Lady  Mar- 
garet left  the  room.  Her  husband  was  with 
Cumberland,  somewhat  under  suspicion  already, 
and  Cumberland's  elusive  quarry  was  on  the 
threshold  of  her  house.  The  situation  was  un- 
nerving. By  good  fortune  her  husband's  factor, 
Macdonald  of  Kingsburgh,  happened  to  be  with 
her.  Captain  Donald  Roy  Macdonald  also  came 


io6          THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

at  a  hasty  summons.  Walking  to  and  fro  in 
the  garden,  under  the  eye  of  the  unsuspecting 
lieutenant,  they  concocted  their  plan.  Charles 
must  be  smuggled  to  Raasa.  Kingsburgh  un- 
dertook to  see  him  to  Portree,  and  Donald  Roy 
went  off  to  find  young  Macleod  of  Raasa  and  to 
procure  a  boat.  That  arranged,  Lady  Margaret 
returned  to  her  visitors.  The  comedy  was  not 
yet  played  out.  She  pressed  Flora  to  stay  with 
her,  she  had  so  often  promised  herself,  and  so 
forth.  Flora,  ignorant  of  the  garden-plot,  de- 
clined ;  the  "  troublesome  times  "  called  her  to 
her  mother  at  Armadale,  and  she  must  travel 
thither  without  delay.  So  after  dinner  she  went, 
and  with  her  Neil,  Mrs.  John  Macdonald  of 
Kirkibost,  and  her  maid,  an  embarrassing  addi- 
tion to  the  party.  Meanwhile  Charles  had  been 
told  of  the  new  plan  for  his  safety.  Kingsburgh 
had  sent  a  message  by  Neil,  bidding  him  conduct 
the  Prince  to  a  hill  on  the  road  at  the  back  of 
Monkstat.  Kingsburgh  joined  him  there  later 
and  brought  refreshment,  a  little  wine  and  a 
few  biscuits.  An  hour  before  sunset  they  started, 
taking  the  road  towards  Kingsburgh's  house. 
Flora  and  her  companions  came  up  soon  after. 
Stalking  along  the  road  Betty  Burke  presented  a 
strange  figure.  Mrs.  Macdonald 's  maid  observed 
her  with  some  contempt.  Never  had  she  seen, 
she  declared,  such  an  "impudent-looked  woman"! 


IN  THE  HIGHLANDS  (1746)        107 

And    how  awkwardly   she    managed   her   skirts  ! 
Flora  was  in  an  agony  of  fear,  and  hastily  drew 
her  companion  and  her  inquisitive  maid  to  the 
front.      Soon   they   left    her,   and    trudging    on 
through  the  rain  and  darkness  midnight  brought 
the  fugitives  to  the  shelter  of  Kingsburgh's  home. 
Mrs.  Macdonald  was  already  in  her  robe  de  unit, 
when  a  message  from  Kingsburgh  told  her  that 
"  Milton's  daughter  "  was  her  guest.     "  Give  my 
service   to  her/'    she  answered   from  her  room, 
"  and  tell  her  to  make  free  with  anything  in  the 
house  ;  for  I  am  very  sleepy,  and  cannot  see  her 
this  night."     Soon  her  daughter,  wide-eyed  and 
wondering,  burst  in  upon   her.     "  Mother,"  she 
panted,     "  father    has   brought    in   a    very   odd, 
muckle,  ill-shaken-up  wife   as    ever    I   saw  !     I 
never  saw  the  like  of  her,  and  he  has  gone  into 
the  hall  with  her. "     On  the  heels  of  his  daughter 
came  Kingsburgh  himself,  clamouring  for  supper. 
"  Pray,  goodman,"  said  his  wife,  "  what  company 
is  this  you  have  brought  with  you?"     "That  you 
shall  know  in  good  time,"  answered  Kingsburgh, 
"  only  make  haste  and  get  some  supper."     Mrs. 
Macdonald,   suspicious   but   compliant,   sent   her 
daughter  to  the  hall  for  her  keys.      But   "the 
muckle  woman"  was  striding  up  and  down  the 
hall  in  a  manner  terrifying  to  behold.     The  girl 
saw   her  and   fled.      Presently   Mrs.   Macdonald 
appeared.      As  she  told  Bishop  Forbes  in  after- 


io8          THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

days,  "  I  saw  such  an  odd  muckle  trallup  of  a 
carlin  making  lang  wide  steps  through  the  hall, 
that  I  could  not  like  her  appearance  at  all." 
"  What  a  lang,  odd  hussie  is  this  ?"  she  whispered 
to  Kingsburgh  aside.  He  would  not  satisfy  her 
curiosity,  and  demanded  supper.  Charles,  in  fact, 
betrayed  himself.  As  she  returned  to  the  hall 
from  her  larder  he  came  forward  and  saluted  his 
hostess  with  a  bristly  kiss.  At  once  she  divined 
half  the  mystery;  "the  lang  hussie"  was  a  man 
in  disguise.  "My  dear,"  said  Kingsburgh,  "it  is 
the  Prince."  Fear  for  her  goodman  and  their 
home,  and  anxiety  over  the  meagreness  of  her 
larder,  tore  her  equally.  Kingsburgh  reassured 
her  on  both  counts.  But  she  refused  to  sit 
down  with  royalty.  "  I  know  not  how  to  behave 
before  majesty,"  she  objected.  Again  Kingsburgh 
reassured  her,  and  at  length,  the  comic  pre- 
lude over,  all  fell-to  to  supper.  No  need  had 
Mrs.  Macdonald  to  apologize  for  her  fare.  Betty 
Burke  ate  heartily.  Roasted  eggs,  collops,  bread- 
and-butter,  and  a  comprehensive  "  etc.,"  lingered 
in  Mrs.  Macdonald's  memory  as  the  successive 
courses  of  that  memorable  repast.  As  to  drink, 
"  the  deel  a  drap  did  he  want  in's  weam  of  twa 
bottles  of  sma'  beer,"  she  recalled.  "  God  do  him 
good  o't,"  she  added  piously,  "  for  well  I  wat  he 
had  my  blessing  to  gae  down  wi't."  After  supper 
Charles  called  for  brandy,  and  pledged  his  host 


IN  THE  HIGHLANDS  (1746)        ,09 

and  hostess.  Then  he  asked  for  tobacco,  taking 
a  broken  pipe  from  his  pouch.  Kingsburgh 
found  a  clean  pipe  and  tobacco  to  fill  it.  The 
hour  was  towards  daylight  when  they  went  to 
bed. 

A  hearty  supper  and  the  luxury  of  clean  sheets 
kept  Charles  a-bed  till  late  on  the  morrow 
(June  30).  A  knocking  at  his  door  awoke  him. 
Mrs.  Macdonald  was  without,  and  Flora,  somewhat 
shrinking,  was  with  her.  Mrs.  Macdonald  had 
come  begging  for  a  lock  of  Charles's  hair.  He 
bade  them  come  in,  and  Flora,  sitting  by  the 
bedside,  his  arm  about  her  waist  and  his  head 
upon  her  lap,  cut  the  lock  and  treasured  the  half 
of  it  for  herself. 

Meanwhile  at  Portree  Roy  Macdonald  had  been 
making  arrangements  for  the  voyage  to  Raasa. 
The  day  was  far  advanced  when  Charles  and  his 
party  marched  thither.  He  left  Kingsburgh's 
house  in  his  female  gear,  but  with  the  resolution 
to  abandon  it  at  the  first  opportunity.  The  dis- 
guise, in  fact,  rather  drew  attention  to  its  wearer 
than  screened  him  from  it ;  for,  as  Kingsburgh 
remarked,  Charles's  feminine  airs  were  "all  so  man- 
like." In  a  wood,  not  far  from  Kingsburgh,  Betty 
Burke  shed  her  "bucklings."  At  Portree  Roy 
Macdonald,  Young  Raasa,  and  Captain  Malcolm 
Macleod  were  waiting  for  the  Prince  at  the  inn 
He  was  wet  to  the  skin  when  he  arrived, 


no          THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER^ 

"having  on  a  plaid  without  breeches,  trews,  or 
even  philibeg."  Roy  Macdonald  offered  his  kilt, 
and  all  importuned  him  to  put  on  a  dry  shirt. 
With  some  difficulty  he  was  persuaded  to  do  so, 
for  Flora  was  in  the  room.  Then  he  "fell  heartily 
to  the  meat,"  and  after  his  meal  called  for  tobacco, 
a  quarter  of  a  pound  at  fourpence  halfpenny,  and 
smoked  a  pipe  before  his  departure.  The  moment 
of  farewell  had  come.  Charles  bade  good-bye  to 
Kingsburgh  and  Neil  Maceachain.  Then  turning 
to  Flora  he  said  :  "  For  all  that  has  happened,  I 
hope,  Madam,  we  shall  meet  in  St.  James's  yet." 
So  he  and  his  new  guardians  made  their  way  to  the 
boat.  At  his  belt  on  one  side  he  carried  a  bottle 
of  Portree  whisky,  on  the  other,  a  bottle  of  Kings- 
burgh's  brandy  and  four  shirts.  In  a  napkin  he 
took  with  him  a  "cold  hen,"  also  from  Kingsburgh's 
larder.  In  his  pocket  was  a  lump  of  sugar.  On 
his  way  to  the  boat  he  took  the  sugar  from  his 
pocket  and  gave  it  to  Roy  Macdonald  for  Flora, 
"  for  I  am  afraid,"  he  said,  "  she  will  get  no  sugar 
where  she  is  going" — "Our  Lady,"  he  called  her. 
Roy  handed  the  sugar  to  Malcolm  Macleod,  for 
the  Prince's  need  was  likely  to  be  greater  than 
Flora's,  though  he  was  to  win  through  to  freedom 
and  she  to  captivity.  His  last  thought  was  of 
Flora.  "  Tell  nobody,  no,  not  our  lady,  which  way 
I  am  gone,"  he  directed  Roy  Macdonald.  At  the 
dawning  of  the  day  (July  1)  he  sailed  from  Skye. 


IN  THE  HIGHLANDS  (1746)        n, 

A  short  sail  brought  them  to  Glam  in  Raasa, 
where  a  "  mean,  low  hut "  offered  them  shelter. 
Charles  was  dissatisfied  with  his  new  quarters  ;  the 
island  was  too  narrow  and  confined.  So  the  next 
evening  (July  2)  he  doubled  back  to  Skye,  and 
hid  in  a  cow-byre  near  Scorobreck.  There  he 
slept  fitfully,  starting  in  his  sleep,  and  peering  in 
the  faces  of  his  companions  "  as  if  he  had  been  to 
fight  them."  His  journeyings  and  hair-breadth 
escapes  had  begun  to  tell  upon  him.  He  was 
suffering  from  dysentery  when  he  left  Uist,  says 
O'Neil.  He  bled  violently  at  the  nose  when 
he  bade  farewell  to  Kingsburgh  at  Portree,  and 
made  light  of  it  with  a  pretty  compliment.  His 
pluck  was  extraordinary.  Next  evening  (July  3) 
he  started  off  on  foot  with  Malcolm  Macleod  as 
his  companion.  Malcolm's  sister  had  married  a 
Mackinnon,  and  lived  at  Elgol  in  the  south  of  the 
island.  Malcolm  proposed  to  take  him  there, 
passing  him  off  as  his  servant,  one  Lewie  Caw, 
"  a  young  surgeon-lad,"  then  skulking  in  Skye. 
As  they  marched  along  Charles's  spirits  revived. 
He  was  still  wearing  Roy  Macdonald's  kilt. 
Months  before,  on  board  the  frigate  in  Loch- 
nanuagh,  he  had  inquired  curiously  about  that 
strange  article  of  dress.  "  I  find  I  do  as  well 
with  it,"  he  now  told  Malcolm,  "  as  any  the  best 
breeches  I  ever  put  on.  I  hope  in  God,  MacLeod, 
to  walk  the  streets  of  London  with  it  yet."  The 


ii2          THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

frowning  hills  and  solitudes  of    Skye    impressed 
him.     Even   the  Devil,  he   told    his    companion, 
could   not   find    them    there.       None    the    less, 
approaching     the     Mackinnon     country,      some 
added  disguise   was  deemed  necessary.     Charles 
proposed    to   smear    and    darken    his    face,    but 
Malcolm    objected.      Then    he    tied    a    napkin 
round  his  head  and  set  his  bonnet  a-top  of  it. 
Still  Malcolm  insisted  that  all  who  had  seen  him 
once  would  recognise  him.     Said  Charles  :  "  This 
is  an  odd,  remarkable  face  I  have  got,  that  nothing 
can  disguise  it."     He  would  not  take  off  the  nap- 
kin, however,  and  doffed  his  bonnet  with  a  low 
bow  when  at  length   (July  4)  they  entered  the 
house   at   Elgol.     He   played   his  servant's  part 
with  zest,    sat   apart,    and  refused  to  eat  in  his 
master's  presence,  and  with  difficulty  was  induced 
to  rest.     Presently  John  Mackinnon  came  home. 
Malcolm  told  him  who  his  visitor  was,  but  insisted 
on  secrecy.     Mackinnon  promised,   but  emotion 
conquered  him.     Entering   his  house,  "  he  could 
not  hold  his  eyes  from  staring  upon  Lewie,  and 
very  soon  he  was   forced  to  turn   his  face  away 
from   the   Prince  and  to  weep."     While  Charles 
remained    within   doors,    dandling   and    crooning 
over  Mackinnon' s  young  child,  John  set  off  to 
look  for  a  boat.     On  his  way  he   met  the   old 
laird.     In  spite  of  his  promise,  he  told  his  secret. 
Old  Mackinnon   loyally  threw  himself  into    the 
scheme,  engaged  to  find  a  boat,  and  soon  after 


IN  THE  HIGHLANDS  (1746)        II3 

came  to  the  house  to  say  that  one  was  ready 
So,  leaving  Malcolm  Macleod  behind,  Charles^ 
John  Mackinnon,  and  the  old  laird  set  sail  from 
Skye  at  nightfall,  and  early  next  morning  (July  5) 
made  land  near  Mallaig,  on  the  south  side  of  Loch 
Nevis.  Once  more,  after  nearly  three  months' 
absence,  Charles  was  on  the  mainland.  Nearly 
three  more  were  to  elapse  before  he  left  it  for 
ever. 

Since  Charles  had  left  the  mainland  in  April 
the  vengeance  of  Cumberland  had  fallen  like  a 
blight  upon  the  Highlands.  On  May  24  he  had 
established  himself  at  Fort  Augustus.  The  glens 
had  been  raided,  their  houses  burnt,  the  cattle 
driven  off.  If  Charles  needed  the  lesson,  his  last 
weeks  in  Scotland  must  have  brought  vividly 
before  him  the  sinister  side  of  loyalty.  At 
Mallaig  he  remained  with  no  roof  to  cover  him. 
On  July  8  Old  Mackinnon  set  out  to  look  for  a 
sheltering  cave,  while  Charles  ventured  in  the 
boat,  coasting  up  Loch  Nevis.  They  barely 
escaped  a  patrol,  and,  when  the  danger  was 
passed,  crossed  the  loch  to  an  islet  near  Mac- 
donell  of  Scotus's  house.  Old  Clanranald  was 
there,  but  too  broken  to  give  help.  Returning 
to  Mallaig,  Old  Mackinnon  rejoined  them,  and 
Charles  and  his  escort  went  on  foot  to  Morar's 
house.  At  daybreak  (July  9)  they  reached  it,  but 
found  it  in  ashes,  and  Morar  himself  and  his 
8 


ii4         THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

family  lurking  in  a  hut.  Here  they  got  shelter 
and  food,  "  cold  salmon  warmed  again,  but  no 
bread,"  and  after  a  long  rest  Charles  and  John 
Mackinnon  went  on  towards  Borradale.  In  the 
early  hours  of  July  10  they  reached  Angus  Mac- 
donald's  house.  Nearly  a  year  before  it  had 
offered  Charles  his  first  hospitality  on  the  main- 
land. It  was  now  in  ashes,  and  Angus  Macdonald 
was  asleep  in  a  hut  hard  by.  John  Mackinnon 
entered  it  abruptly  and  announced  the  Prince. 
"  I  am  glad,"  answered  Angus,  "and  shall  not  fail 
to  take  care  of  him."  Thus  the  Macdonalds 
resumed  their  charge. 

Charles's  return  to  the  mainland  was  speedily 
known  at  Fort  Augustus,  for  both  Mackinnons  after 
leaving  him  were  made  prisoners.  Cumberland 
was  on  the  point  of  leaving  Scotland,  and  Fortune 
seemed  to  have  thrown  at  his  feet  the  chance  of 
crowning  his  victory  by  the  capture  of  his  rival. 
On  July  13  he  despatched  a  strong  force  to  search 
the  district  in  which  Charles  was  known  to  be. 
On  the  25th  they  returned  to  Fort  Augustus,  a 
week  after  Cumberland  had  left  for  England, 
fatigued  and  "almost  naked"  after  their  futile 
hunt.  It  had,  in  fact,  only  failed  by  a  hair's 
breadth.  News  of  the  Mackinnons'  capture  had 
reached  Charles  in  Borradale  on  the  1 3th.  He  at 
once  moved  some  miles  eastward,  to  a  sheltering 
cave,  and  awaited  Alexander  Macdonald  of  Glenala- 


IN  THE  HIGHLANDS  (1746)        115 

dale,  whom  he  had  summoned.  On  the  17th  In- 
doubled  back  to  Morar,  only  to  find  that  a  cunl,,n 
of  troops  surrounded  him  on  land,  and  that 
Campbell  of  Mamore's  squadron  was  anchored  in 
Loch  Nevis. 

Within  the  restricted  area  left  to  him,  Charles, 
in  imminent  danger,  shifted  from  place  to  place. 
On  the  20th  he  was  at  the  head  of  Loch  Quoich. 
Early  the  next  morning  he  broke  through  the 
circle  of  sentries  surrounding  him,  and,  making 
his  way  through  Glenshiel  and  Strathclunie, 
reached  the  timely  shelter  of  Coiraghoth,  a 
notable  cave  in  the  Braes  of  Glenmoriston,  on  the 
24th.  In  that  "romantic  habitation,"  lulled  by 
"  the  sweet  murmurs  of  the  finest  stream  that 
could  be/'  Charles  rested  until  the  28th.  He  had 
effectually  thrown  the  hounds  off  the  scent. 
Albemarle,  who  had  succeeded  Cumberland,  was 
entirely  at  a  loss  to  know  where  the  fugitive  was. 
At  one  moment  he  conjectured  that  Charles  had 
returned  to  the  Long  Island,  and  the  next  was 
positive  that  he  was  near  Loch  Broom.  Charles's 
face,  in  fact,  was  set  towards  Poolewe,  where,  so 
he  had  learnt,  a  French  vessel  had  arrived.  A 
French  brigantine,  the  Bien  Trouvee,  had,  indeed, 
been  cruising  about  the  western  coast,  and  had 
landed  five  officers  to  look  for  the  Prince,  among 
them  a  M.  Dudepet  and  the  Chevalier  de  Nangis. 
Both  of  them  were  made  prisoners,  however,  and 
8—2 


n6         THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

their  vessel  had  become  the  prize  of  H.M.S. 
Glasgow.  Ignorant  of  the  fate  of  his  would-be 
rescuers,  Charles  set  out  from  Glenmoriston  on 
August  1,  and  on  the  5th  was  as  far  northward  as 
Glencannich.  Discouraging  news  met  him  there. 
The  only  French  ship  that  had  arrived  was  re- 
ported to  have  sailed  off  again  after  landing  some 
officers,  two  of  whom  were  said  to  be  making 
their  way  to  Lochiel's  country  in  search  of  him. 
He  resolved  to  meet  them,  and  on  August  8 
began  to  retrace  his  steps  southward,  while 
Albemarle's  troops  were  vainly  searching  Glen 
Dessary  in  his  rear.  By  the  l6th  he  was  lurking 
in  a  wood  at  the  foot  of  Loch  Arkaig,  and  sum- 
moned Lochiel,  then  in  Benalder,  to  join  him. 
Lochiel,  however,  was  still  unable  to  walk,  but 
sent  his  brother,  Dr.  Archibald,  and  Lochgarry. 
On  the  21st  they  removed  near  to  Achnacary, 
Lochiel's  ruined  home,  and,  after  moving  hither 
and  thither,  set  off,  on  the  28th,  to  join  Lochiel 
in  Benalder.  On  the  30th  they  arrived  at  his 
hiding-place.  Lochiel,  in  spite  of  his  lameness, 
came  out  to  meet  the  Prince,  and  would  have 
knelt  to  him,  but  Charles  prevented  him.  "  Oh 
no,  my  dear  Lochiel,"  he  said,  his  hand  on  the 
other's  shoulder,  "you  don't  know  who  may  be 
looking  at  us  from  the  tops  of  yonder  hills."  After 
Charles's  recent  hardships,  Lochiel's  habitation 
was  restful  and  its  larder  well  stocked  :  plenty  of 


IN  THE  HIGHLANDS  (1746)        117 

mutton,  an  anker  of  whisky,  beef  sausages, 
butter  and  cheese,  and  a  large  ham.  "  Now, 
gentlemen,  I  live  like  a  Prince,"  said  Charles  as 
he  ate  his  "  minch'd  collops."  On  September  1 
Cluny  arrived.  He  had  not  seen  Charles  since 
before  the  fatal  April  16.  "I'm  sorry,  Cluny," 
said  the  Prince  as  he  greeted  him,  "  you  and  your 
regiment  were  not  at  Culloden.  I  did  not  hear 
till  of  very  late  that  you  was  so  near  to  have  come 
up  with  us  that  day."  The  reminiscence,  perhaps, 
quickened  the  hope  that  Culloden  might  yet  be 
avenged.  To  Dr.  Archibald  and  Lochgarry  at 
Achnacary  he  had  proposed  to  assemble  all  who 
would  follow  him,  and  "  to  procure  their  peace  or 
die  sword  in  hand."  The  proposal  was  now 
mooted  to  Lochiel  and  Cluny.  Both  rejected  it 
as  a  "  Don  Quixote  Scheme,"  and  told  Charles 
bluntly  that  not  a  single  man  would  rise.  They 
advised  him  to  remain  quiet,  and  to  await  the 
chance  of  a  ship's  arrival  to  carry  him  from  the 
country.  That,  indeed,  was  his  surest  hope,  and  its 
fulfilment  was  not  far  distant.  On  September  2 
Charles  and  his  party  moved  their  quarters  to  a 
spot  two  miles  further  into  Benalder,  and  on  the 
5th  proceeded  another  two  miles,  to  "a  very 
romantic,  comical  habitation  "  prepared  by  Cluny. 
Cluny's  "  Cage  "  was  on  the  slope  of  Litir-na-lic ; 
boulders,  crevices  and  brushwood  around  it. 
Inside  it  there  was  room  for  six  or  seven  persons. 


n8         THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

Here  they  lived  comfortably,  "frequently  em- 
ployed in  playing  at  cards,"  until  the  great  news 
came. 

Meanwhile  the  wildest  rumours  of  Charles's 
movements  reached  Albemarle  and  the  authori- 
ties. He  was  as  elusive  as  De  Wet  in  another 
campaign.  Now  he  was  reported  to  have  been 
seen  by  the  militia  in  the  Long  Island.  Again  he 
was  declared  to  have  sailed  in  a  French  cutter 
from  Kintail.  A  letter  from  Dunkirk  even 
chronicled  his  arrival  at  Blankenberg.  In  another 
he  was  said  to  be  in  Mull,  hidden  underground  in 
"a  sort  of  Cave."  Yet  again  he  was  declared  to 
have  taken  ship  from  the  Moray  Firth,  leaving 
behind  him  a  double  to  personate  him  and  to 
baffle  his  pursuers.  Meanwhile  the  "  Cage  "  held 
its  secret.  Day  followed  day  in  watchful  suspense, 
until  on  September  13,  in  the  small  hours  of  the 
morning,  Alexander  Macpherson  brought  the  good 
news  that  French  ships  were  in  Lochnanuagh. 

The  two  vessels,  the  Prince  de  Conti  and 
L'Heureux,  had  been  already  a  week  in  Scottish 
waters  when  Charles  heard  of  their  arrival.  They 
had  been  fitted  out  at  St.  Malo,  under  Prince 
Henry's  direction,  expressly  to  search  for  his 
brother,  and  their  orders  were,  not  to  leave  Scot- 
land until  they  had  succeeded,  unless  they  were 
driven  off  by  superior  force.  On  September  5 
they  had  appeared  at  Loch  Boisdale,  where  they 


IN  THE  HIGHLANDS  (1746)         119 

seized  some  of  the  islanders.  Next  day  they  came 
to  an  anchor  in  Lochnanuagh.  Parties  were  at 
once  sent  out  to  search  for  the  Prince.  Captain 
O'Brien  and  young  Sheridan  set  out  to  Glenala- 
dale,  but  heard  nothing.  Glenaladale  himself, 
who  had  been  with  Charles  in  Loch  Arkaig  a 
month  before,  proceeded  thither,  and  learnt  that 
Charles  had  last  been  heard  of  in  Badenoch. 
Alexander  Cameron,  the  son  of  Clunes,  carried  on 
the  search  in  that  direction,  but  so  entirely  had 
the  Prince's  scent  been  obliterated,  that  he 
gathered  that  Charles  had  left  Badenoch  and 
had  gone  southward.  So  far  the  result  was  dis- 
couraging, and  one  who  dined  on  board  the 
Prince  de  Conti  on  the  12th  found  his  hosts  "all 
in  great  pain  for  fear  of  being  disappointed "  in 
their  quest.  Meanwhile  other  fugitives  sought 
the  shelter  of  the  ships,  Young  Clanranald,  Glen- 
aladale, and  Barrisdale  among  them.  Still  Charles 
came  not,  and  as  a  second  week  ran  its  course  the 
hope  of  rescuing  him  grew  fainter.  But  on  the 
19th,  about  six  in  the  evening,  while  the  officers 
were  at  dinner  on  L'Heureux,  the  almost  unhoped- 
for news  was  sent  over  the  water,  that  Charles 
himself  was  in  the  other  vessel.  Colonel  Warren, 
in  supreme  command  of  the  expedition,  and  the 
captain  got  up  in  great  haste,  donned  their  best 
clothes,  and  rowed  to  the  Prince  de  Conti  to  pay 
their  respects.  Soon  they  returned,  bringing 


120         THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

Charles  with  them  to  the  larger  vessel.  He  had 
time  to  scribble  a  note  to  Cluny,  "Thanks  to 
God  I  am  arrived  safe  abord  ye  vessell,  which  is 
a  verry  Clever  one,"  and  between  two  and  three 
in  the  morning  (September  20),  with  a  fresh 
northerly  breeze  behind  him,  he  sailed  for  France. 
Nine  days  later  (September  29)  he  landed  at 
Roscoff,  near  Morlaix. 

So  the  Great  Adventure  was  ended.  Its  youth- 
ful leader  left  behind  him  a  ruined  Cause,  a 
fragrant  and  undying  memory.  For  in  the  hearts 
of  the  Highlanders  his  later  years  of  disappoint- 
ment and  moral  degradation  had  no  record.  To 
them  he  was  and  is  always  the  boyish-faced, 
brown-eyed,  "  bonnie  "  Prince,  simple,  winning, 
and  gracious. 

"  L'Ecosse  ne  peut  pas  te  juger  :  elle  t'aime  !" 

Few  men  have  been  given  more  devoted  love. 
Few  men,  did  the  curtain  fall  here,  have  more 
happily  inspired  it. 


CHAPTER  V 

INTRIGUE    (174-6—1766) 

The  Tragedy  of  Charles's  Career — His  Moral  Collapse — 
Effect  of  the  '45  upon  his  Hopes  and  Policy — Charles 
announces  his  Return  to  Henry — Desires  an  Interview 
with  Louis — At  Versailles — France  will  not  aid  Him 
— His  Strange  Methods  of  Diplomacy — Marriage 
Projects — Charles  at  Madrid,  1747 — Henry  secretly 
leaves  Paris,  and  is  created  Cardinal — James  en- 
deavours to  reconcile  Charles  to  the  Event — Charles's 
Indignation  —  The  Princesse  de  Talmond  —  The 
Treaty  of  Aix-la-Chapelle,  1748 — Charles  invited 
to  leave  France — Behaves  with  Bravado — His  Arrest 
— Confined  at  Vincennes — Retires  to  Avignon — 
Offers  himself  in  Marriage  to  a  Daughter  of  Hesse 
Darmstadt — Ordered  to  leave  Avignon,  1749 — His 
Perplexing  Movements — In  Lorraine — Ventures  to 
visit  Paris — At  Strassburg— Invites  the  Earl  Marischal 
to  meet  Him  at  Venice — Ordered  to  leave  Venice — 
Back  to  Paris — His  Hiding-place  in  the  Convent  of 
St.  Joseph — Mademoiselle  Ferrand  and  Madame  de 
Vasse — His  Liaison  with  Madame  de  Talmond — Is 
reading  Fielding's  Novels — Visits  London,  1750 — 
Becomes  a  Protestant — His  Defence  of  that  Step — 
Quarrels  with  Madame  de  Talmond — Is  lost  sight 


122         THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

of— His  "Two  Heroines"— He  again  approaches 
the  Earl  Marischal,  1751— Takes  a  House  at  Ghent, 
j752 — Clementina  Wallcinshaw  joins  Him — Henry 
Goring  remonstrates— The  Elibank  Plot— Divulged 
by  "  Pickle  "—Archibald  Cameron's  Death,  1753 

Charles    "a    Sedentary    Man" — Rambling   about 

Flanders— In  Paris— Birth  of  Charlotte,  Duchess 
of  Albany— Charles  and  Clementina— Breaks  with 
Goring  and  the  Earl  Marischal,  1754  —  Charles 
takes  his  Family  to  Switzerland — His  Disguises — 
Breaks  up  his  Household  at  Basel,  1755 — In  sore 
Need  of  Money — Hopes  to  be  employed  by  France, 
1756 — Defeat  of  Conflans,  1759 — Clementina  leaves 
Charles,  1760  — The  "Nasty  Bottle"  —  Death  of 
James  III.,  1766 — Charles  returns  to  Rome — The 
Vatican  refuses  to  recognize  Him — His  evil  Habits 
continued. 

E  vivre  el  pas  vivre  est  beaucoup  pis  que  de 
mourir.  The  aphorism  is  scribbled  among 
other  notes  by  Charles  in  the  Stuart  papers  at 
Windsor.  The  words  might  read  as  his  epitaph, 
his  own  label  upon  his  useless  life.  They  are 
more  than  a  commentary.  In  some  degree  they 
are  an  apologia.  The  later  Charles  is  not  more 
different  from  the  earlier  than  Hyde  from  Jekyll, 
but  the  transformation  is  not  due  merely  to  the 
development  of  vices  inherent  and  masterful. 
Women  and  the  bottle  played  havoc  with  him, 
but  he  courted  them  faut  de  mieux.  Given  his 
real  metier,  Venus  and  Bacchus  would  have  had 
but  moderate  worship  from  him.  At  Holyrood, 


INTRIGUE  (1746—1766)  123 

and  in  action,  he  was  cold  and  aloof  from  the  fair. 
Dram-drinking  in  the  Highlands  by  no  means 
inevitably  bred  the  wine-fuddled  sot.  He  was  of 
the  class  of  men  blessed  with  a  career,  clear  and 
unmistakable,  yet  doubly  cursed  in  the  inability 
to  fulfil  it.  That,  in  fact,  was  his  tragedy.  For 
a  few  brief  months  he  had  tasted  life  as  he 
interpreted  it — activity,  leadership,  the  champion- 
ship of  his  House  and  the  Cause  it  blazoned.  He 
had  tilted  in  the  ring,  and  Fate  put  him  for  ever 
outside  the  lists.  He  girded  at  Destiny,  a 
Samson  grinding  a  corn-mill.  Pitt  declared 
that  no  one  could  save  England  but  himself. 
Walpole  had  no  doubt  that  had  he  not  been 
Prime  Minister  he  would  have  been  Archbishop 
of  Canterbury.  Charles's  assurance  and  masterful 
self-reliance  matched  theirs.  His  recent  exploit 
had  taught  him  much,  his  own  powers  above  all. 
He  had  learnt  to  lead.  He  had  drunk  deep  of 
the  subtlest  flattery,  the  willing  homage  of  brave 
men.  Loyalty  had  been  to  him  a  tradition  ;  he 
knew  it  now  as  a  fact.  Grown  men  had  wept  at 
the  sight  of  him.  Women  had  staked  their  all 
for  him.  He  had  outshone  Montrose.  Hamilton 
and  Mackintosh  had  marched  to  Preston  and 
defeat,  he  to  Derby  and  back  again  unconquered. 
Dapper  George  had  all  but  fled  at  the  approach 
of  him.  London  was  almost  in  his  grip.  Yet 
eight  men  and  a  cargo  of  contraband  had  raised 


i24          THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

that  coil.  What  might  not  be  done  with  France 
behind  him  ?  That  was  his  hope.  Whatever  his 
conduct  after  Culloden,  he  left  Scotland  with  the 
intention  to  return.  He  clamoured  passionately 
to  Louis  and  his  Ministers  to  grant  him  the  means, 
until  the  Treaty  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  sent  him  forth 
a  disappointed  outcast.  That  was  the  death  of 
him  morally.  Nature  had  framed  him  for  another 
Rupert.  Charles  XII.  was  his  hero.  Fate  made 
him  a  loafer,  and  he  sank  incontinent  to  the  lower 
plane.  He  became  tete  de  fer,  an  homme  sauvage, 
as  he  described  himself.  Activity  denied  him,  he 
peddled  in  the  methods  of  opera-bouffe,  flitted 
hither  and  thither,  having  no  "  right  nest "  of  his 
own,  the  Don  Mysterioso  of  a  wondering  Europe. 
The  bottle  offered  its  insidious  comfort.  He  took 
it,  and  sank  yet  lower.  His  judgment,  tact,  and 
graciousness  left  him.  He  became  his  own  worst 
enemy,  the  man  with  a  grievance.  He  quarrelled 
with  his  most  faithful  friends  and  drove  them  from 
him,  and  so  sank  lonely  to  embittered  old  age, 
with  no  trace  of  his  once  sanguine  self  remaining. 
It  is  one  of  the  saddest  pictures  in  all  history. 

Since  Charles  left  Rome  in  1744  his  father  had 
had  but  scanty  news  of  him.  Rumours  had 
trickled  through  misleading  channels,  and  as  the 
months  passed,  the  old  man,  broken  and  spiritless, 
roamed  through  his  lonely  palace  mourning  his 
first-born.  The  future  held  sorer  trials  for  him, 


INTRIGUE  (1746—1766)  125 

for  the  Prince  of  1746  was  no  longer  the  lad  of 
1744.  The  palace  intrigues  of  a  king  in  jHirfifntx 
had  given  Charles  little  insight  within  the  real 
conditions  of  the  keen  game  he  and  his  had  to 
play.  Rome  was  his  home,  and  he  had  known  no 
other.  He  left  Scotland  enlightened.  He  had  seen 
his  party  in  action,  and  out  of  his  experience  had 
learnt  a  fundamental  fact,  that  the  patronage  of 
the  Holy  See  was  his  enemy's  best  asset.  He 
came  back  resolved  to  play  his  own  hand,  to  choose 
his  own  cards.  Rome  should  have  no  seat  at  his 
table.  In  his  blundering  but  dogged  way  he  kept 
to  his  resolution,  neglected  his  father,  turned  his 
back  on  the  Pope,  quarrelled  bitterly  with  his 
Cardinal  brother,  and,  when  it  was  too  late  to  be 
effective,  deserted  the  Church  which  had  pro- 
tected him.  His  idea  was  sound,  but  the 
working-out  of  it  deepened  the  tragedy  of  his 
career. 

The  family  rift  had  already  begun  to  appear 
before  Charles's  return  from  Scotland.  His 
brother,  Prince  Henry,  who  had  followed  Charles 
to  France,  and,  like  him,  had  chafed  at  the  dis- 
crepancy between  Louis's  promises  and  perform- 
ance, was  already  receiving  from  his  father 
consolation  and  advice  regarding  Charles's 
attitude  towards  him.  As  Mr.  Lang  remarks,  it 
is  not  easy  to  see  whence  their  differences  arose. 
Henry  had  not  failed  to  do  his  best  to  spur  on 


i26         THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

Louis  to  some  decisive  effort,  and  none  knew 
better  than  Charles  the  difficulties  of  such  an 
endeavour.  On  the  other  hand,  Charles's  newly 
enlightened  self  possibly  already  regarded  Henry 
as  one  of  the  "old  gang,"  and  in  such  corre- 
spondence as  he  had  with  his  brother  during  his 
campaign  in  Britain  may  unconsciously  have  re- 
vealed his  new  self  and  its  disturbing  possibilities. 
Be  that  as  it  may,  Charles  at  once,  upon  his 
arrival  at  Morlaix,  affectionately  greeted  his 
brother.  "  As  I  am  certain  of  your  great  concern 
forme,"  he  wrote  (October  10,  N.S.,  1746),  "I 
cannot  express  the  joy  I  have  (on  your  account) 
of  my  safe  arrival!  in  this  country."  He  enclosed 
"to  lines  "  for  his  father,  "just  to  shew  him  I  am 
alive  and  safe."  He  excused  himself  for  not 
writing  to  Louis,  "  being  so  much  fatigued,  and 
hoping  soon  to  have  ye  pleasure  of  seeing  him." 
Henry  was  to  consult  John  Graeme  and  Sir 
Thomas  Sheridan,  who  had  returned  from  Scot- 
land in  May,  on  that  matter  without  delay ;  for, 
Charles  added,  "  It  is  an  absolute  necessity  I  must 
see  ye  F.  K.  as  soon  as  possible,  for  to  bring  things 
to  a  write  head."  His  spelling  is  as  original  as 
Pickle's,  but  the  bent  of  his  mind  is  obvious. 
He  had  not  come  to  stay,  but  to  return.  His 
hope  was  in  Louis  and  France.  He  had  shown 
them  the  way.  Surely  they  could  not  be  so  blind 
to  their  own  interests  as  to  neglect  it.  Warren 


INTRIGUE  (1746—1766)  127 

took  the  letter  to  Paris,  and  a  few  days  later  the 
brothers  met.  Charles,  so  Henry  wrote  to  their 
father,  was  not  a  bit  altered,  "  except  grown  some- 
what broader  and  fatter,  which  is  incomprehensible 
after  all  the  fatigues  he  has  endured."  "He 
looks  as  well,"  John  Graeme  reported,  "as  when 
I  had  the  honour  to  see  him  more  than  two  years 
ago."  James  heard  and  rejoiced.  "  He  is  much 
less  melancholy  than  before,"  Mann  informed  his 
Government. 

Charles  meanwhile  was  thoroughly  enjoying 
himself  at  Paris.  Little  more  than  a  month 
before  he  had  been  lurking  in  Benalder.  The 
change  to  civilization  was  pleasant.  He  was  seen 
at  the  Opera  and  heartily  acclaimed.  Two  lines 
declaimed  there  on  one  occasion  were  remarked 
by  one  who  was  with  him  : 

"  Pour  fonder  un  empire  il  taut  bien  des  vertus, 
Mais  pour  le  renverser  il  en  faut  encore  plus  !" 

The  lines  hit  hard  at  the  unwitting  Charles. 
The  brothers  feasted  at  Fontaine bleau,  and  Charles 
visited  Louis  at  Versailles  privately,  and  later  in 
state.  He  was  then  dressed  with  "uncommon 
elegance.  His  coat  was  rose-coloured  velvet, 
embroidered  with  silver  and  lined  with  silver 
tissue  ;  his  waistcoat  was  a  rich  gold  brocade,  with 
a  spangled  fringe  set  on  in  scollops.  The  cockade 
in  his  hat  and  the  buckles  of  his  shoes  were 


i28         THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

diamonds ;  the  George  which  he  wore  at  his 
bosom,  and  the  order  of  St.  Andrew  which  he 
wore  also,  tied  by  a  piece  of  green  ribbon  to  one 
of  the  buttons  of  his  waistcoat,  were  prodigiously 
illustrated  with  large  brilliants  ;  in  short,  he  glit- 
tered all  over  like  the  star  which  they  tell  you 
appeared  at  his  nativity."  The  public  visit  to 
Versailles  heartened  the  Jacobites  considerably. 
"  The  Pretender's  people  and  partisans  are  grown 
extremely  insolent  upon  it,"  Mann  reported  from 
Florence.  According  to  one  statement,  Louis 
had  vaguely  expressed  to  Charles  his  hope  "  qu'un 
de  ces  jours  vous  recevrez  la  recompense  d'un 
merite  si  extraordinaire."  If  it  rested  with  Louis, 
the  day  of  recompense  was  not  likely  to  dawn 
before  the  millennium. 

Charles  did  not  long  remain  in  doubt  as  to  the 
hollowness  of  Louis's  professions.  A  verbal  com- 
munication from  the  Marquis  d'Argenson  reached 
him  early  in  November.  Louis,  he  was  informed, 
would  grant  him  a  pension  of  12,000  francs 
monthly  and  a  residence.  Voila  tout  !  Charles 
was  indignant.  We  get  an  early  glimpse  of  his 
new  and  fatal  diplomacy  in  a  letter  to  his  father 
of  November  6.  He  reported  d'Argenson's  pro- 
posals, but  refused  to  believe  a  word  of  them 
until  they  were  in  black  and  white.  "  I  find  it, 
and  am  absolutely  convinced  of  it,"  he  went  on — 
Quern  Deus  ! — "  that  ye  only  way  of  delyiig  with 


INTRIGUE  (1746—1766)  129 

this  Government  is  to  give  as  short  and  smart 
answers  as  one  can,  at  ye  same  time  paying  them 
in  their  own  Coin  by  Loding  them  with  sivilities 
and  compliments,  setting  apart  business ;  for  that 
kind  of  vermin,  the  more  you  give  them,  the  more 
thel  take."  It  was  necessary,  he  added,  "  to  be 
Laconick  with  them,  which  is  the  only  way  of 
pussiling  them."  He  had  shown  this  remarkable 
letter  to  his  brother,  after  swearing  him  then  and 
for  the  future  to  secrecy.  "  I  would  be  very 
sorry  some  people  should  no  my  mind,"  he  ex- 
plained. Little  wonder  !  For  he  was  dependent 
upon  these  "  vermin  "  for  all  that  he  most  longed 
for.  Cardinal  Tencin,  though  under  obligations  to 
James,  fared  no  better  with  Charles,  who  wrote 
him  down  bluntly  "a  rogue  and  a  rascal." 
Charles  had  forwarded  to  Louis  a  memorandum 
of  what  he  desired.  He  had  represented  that 
his  Scottish  partisans  were  in  a  bad  way,  victims 
of  England's  vengeance.  He  asked  for  French 
troops.  Their  destination  he  would  not  reveal ; 
no  doubt  London.  Charles's  sledge-hammer 
diplomacy  was  becoming  annoying,  and  Tencin 
visited  him  to  represent  the  situation.  For  the 
moment,  Tencin  explained,  France  could  not  help 
him,  but  he  hinted  that  the  cession  of  Ireland 
might  induce  a  more  favourable  attitude. 
Charles  dismissed  him  angrily.  "  Tout  ou  rieti  ! 
point  de  partage  !  point  dc  partage  !"  he  reiterated. 
9 


i3o         THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

Charles,  in  fact,  was  no  denser  than  the  rest  of 
his  party  in  failing  to  understand  that  the  Franco- 
Jacobite  alliance  was  not  one  between  two  equal, 
high  contracting  Powers.  Had  the  millions  sunk 
in  the  Mississippi  and  South  Sea  schemes  been  at 
his  back,  and  Prussian  Frederick's  ramrods  at  his 
command,  Charles  could  not  have  assumed  a  more 
lofty  method  of  negotiation. 

So  the  year  1746  ran  to  its  close.  Marriage 
projects  were  entertained  and  dismissed.  A 
daughter  of  the  Due  de  Modena  was  suggested 
for  Charles,  Mademoiselle  de  Mazarin  for  Henry. 
But  Henry  was  already  on  the  verge  of  the 
Cardinalate,  and  Charles  looked  higher  for  his 
consort.  "  My  opinion  is,"  he  told  his  father,  "  I 
cannot  as  yet  marry  unless  I  get  the  King's 
dauter."  He  was  slightly  exalte.  Later  he 
thought  of  the  Russian  Czarina  ! 

Early  in  1747  Charles  suddenly  quitted  Paris. 
More  than  a  year  before,  Charles  Wogan,  then 
at  Madrid,  had  hinted  that  some  attention  on 
Charles's  part  to  His  Most  Catholic  Majesty  would 
be  welcomed.  Bitterly  disappointed  in  France, 
Charles,  as  Mr.  Ewald  suggests,  remembered 
Wogan's  admonition.  On  February  9  he  in- 
formed Henry,  from  Avignon,  that  Madrid  was 
his  goal.  His  father  was  entirely  in  ignorance 
of  the  project.  On  March  12,  however,  in  char- 
acteristic terms,  Charles  announced  to  him  the  dis- 


INTRIGUE  (1746—1766)  131 

appointing  results  of  his  journey.  "  I  believe 
your  Majesty  will  be  as  much  surprised  as  I 
am,"  he  wrote  from  Guadalajara,  "  to  find  that, 
no  sooner  arrived,  I  was  hurried  away  without 
so  much  as  allowing  me  time  to  rest."  He  had 
thought  that  there  were  nowhere  "  such  fools  as 
the  French  Court,"  but  Spain  had  corrected  that 
impression.  "Your  Majesty  must  forgive  me," 
he  apologized,  "if  I  speak  here  a  little  out  of 
humour,  for  an  angel  would  take  the  spleen  on 
this  occasion."  He  had  ridden  post  from  Per- 
pignan  to  Barcelona  on  the  Mediterranean  coast 
with  a  couple  of  companions.  On  March  2  he 
had  reached  Madrid.  He  communicated  at  once 
with  Sir  Thomas  Geraldine,  and  through  him 
obtained  an  interview  with  Caravajal,  the  Minister, 
to  whom  he  had  sent  a  letter  for  the  King.  He 
was  conveyed  to  his  audience  "  with  a  great  many 
ridiculous  precautions ;"  for,  he  told  James,  "  I 
find  all  here  like  the  pheasants,  that  it  is  enough 
to  hide  their  heads  to  cover  the  rest  of  the 
body,  as  they  think."  After  "many  compli- 
ments "  Charles  inquired  if  his  letter  to  Fer- 
dinand had  been  delivered.  Caravajal  said  it 
had  not.  He  probably  lied  more  diplomatico. 
Charles,  in  fact,  was  ennuyant,  his  sudden  visit 
embarrassing.  Caravajal  hinted  the  wisdom  of 
his  immediate  return  beyond  the  Pyrenees.  He 
urged  it  with  "  several  very  nonsensical  reasons," 
9—2 


i32         THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

says  Charles.  To  one  who  had  ridden  a  few 
hundred  miles  on  urgent  matters  the  suggestion 
seemed  quaintly  humorous.  Charles  explained 
his  reasons  for  coming  to  Spain — his  hopes  of 
assistance,  the  readiness  of  his  "friends"  to  rise 
with  the  least  support.  Caravajal  was  bland  but 
inconclusive,  and  Charles  returned  unsatisfied  to 
his  auberge.  Near  midnight  he  was  roused  by 
Caravajal  himself.  The  King  would  see  him  at 
once,  he  was  told.  Charles  hurried  to  the  palace. 
His  unwilling  hosts  made  him  "  many  civilities," 
but  the  burden  of  their  advice  was  the  same :  he 
must  quit  Spain  as  soon  as  possible.  Charles 
begged  to  be  allowed  to  make  his  bow  to  the 
Queen  Dowager.  Ferdinand  referred  him  to 
Caravajal.  "  I  found  by  that,"  says  Charles  to 
his  father,  "he  [Ferdinand]  had  got  his  lesson, 
and  was  a  weak  man  just  put  in  motion  like  a 
clock-work."  Next  day  he  waited  on  Caravajal, 
and  again  was  politely  urged  to  depart.  Charles 
objected  that  his  "family,"  whom  he  had  out- 
ridden from  Barcelona,  had  not  yet  arrived. 
Finally,  Caravajal  sent  Geraldine  to  conduct  his 
pertinacious  visitor  to  Guadalajara,  and  so  got  rid 
of  him.  Charles  was  there  on  March  12  penning 
his  indignant  despatch  to  his  father.  By  March  26 
he  had  returned  to  Paris.  He  was  resolved,  he 
told  Lord  Clancarty,  to  keep  himself  "absolutely 
in  private."  Spain  had  failed  him,  but  he 


INTRIGUE  (1746—1766)  133 

would  again  lay  siege  to  Louis,  "  to  bring  these 
people  here  to  reason  if  possible."  Tact,  judg- 
ment, and  patience  were  not  in  Charles's  armoury. 
No  one  can  deny  him  persistence  and  dogged- 
ness.  He  had  not  returned  from  Scotland  to 
live  on  his  laurels,  but  to  win  more  on  the  same 
field. 

The  anniversary  of  Culloden  had  barely  passed 
before  the  Stuart  cause  encountered  another 
Cannae ;  and  the  blow  came  from  Charles's 
brother.  The  two  brothers  had  drifted  apart 
since  the  elder  returned  from  Scotland.  Their 
temperament,  outlook,  and  ambitions  differed  as 
the  poles.  To  the  one  his  shadowy  heritage 
of  Royalty  was  very  real.  But  Henry,  like 
his  father,  had  buried  his  worldly  ambitions. 
Charles  had  Ic  grand  air,  accepted  homage  as 
his  due,  knew  the  value  of  popular  applause,  and 
on  occasion  could  play  for  it.  Henry  walked 
timid  and  retiring  beside  his  more  brilliant 
brother.  Yet  he  had  spirit.  "I  know  him  to 
be  a  little  lively,"  Charles  writes  to  James,  "not 
much  loving  to  be  contradicted."  Charles  had 
endeavoured  to  educate  Henry  in  his  method. 
"  The  Prince  has  often  attacked  me  in  a  loving 
way,"  writes  Henry  on  his  side,  "  about  my  way 
of  life  in  general,"  out  of  "  the  desire  he  has  of 
making  me  render  myself  popular,  as  he  calls  it." 
Henry  shared  James's  dislike  of  Charles's  in- 


i34          THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

timate  advisers.  Charles  held  the  same  view  of 
the  Roman  clique.  The  two  brothers  did  not  pull 
together.  Mistrust  grew.  They  learnt  only  in- 
directly each  other's  plans.  Poor  James  was 
worried  on  both  sides  by  their  mutual  complain- 
ings and  misgivings.  So  early  as  November  22, 

1746,  he   was   anxious   for    Henry  to    return  to 
Rome  to  avoid  an  open  esclandre.     On  April  17, 

1747,  he   wrote    again   to  the   same   effect,  and 
Henry  obeyed.      The   manner   of   his   going    as 
much  as  the  purpose  of  it  destroyed  for  years  the 
tottering  friendship  of  the  brothers.      At  Henry's 
invitation  Charles  came  to   supper  with  him    on 
the   evening    of    April  29.     Henry's   house  was 
brilliantly  lighted,  supper  was  spread,  his  house- 
hold was  in  attendance.     But  Henry  was  absent. 
Charles  waited  until  midnight  in  growing  anxiety 
lest  some  evil  had  befallen  him.     Three  days  later 
he   heard  from   Henry,   then  far  on  his  way   to 
Rome.      The  secret  was  out  at  length.     Henry 
intended  to  accept  a  Cardinal's  Hat,  and  thereby, 
in  the  opinion  of  all,  ruined  the  hopes  of  his  party 
for   ever.      Charles's   feelings   one    can   imagine. 
While  he  was  toiling,  his  brother  had  dealt  the 
blow  which  shattered  his  Chateau  en  Espagne  to 
fragments.       He    cursed    the    seven-hilled    city. 
Rather  than  put  his  foot  in  Rome  he  would  seek 
refuge  in  another  Achkirsideallich.     And  he  kept 
his  word.     For  twenty  years  he  wandered  hope- 


HENKY  CARDINAL   YORK 


INTRIGUE  (1746—1766)  135 

less  as  Wotan,  and  Rome  did  not  see  him  till  his 
father  lay  dead. 

On  July  3,  1747,  Henry  was  created  Cardinal, 
and  on  July  8  received  the  Hat.     James  sought  in 
vain  to  reconcile  Charles  to  the  event.    "Naturally 
speaking,"   he  wrote  on  June   13,  "you  should 
have  been  consulted  about  a  resolution  of  that 
kind  before  it  had  been  executed ;    but  as  the 
Duke  and  I  were  unalterably  determined  on  the 
matter,  and  we  foresaw  that  you  might  probably 
not  approve  of  it,  we  thought  it  would  be  showing 
you  more  regard,  and  that  it  would  even  be  more 
agreeable  to  you,  that  the  thing  should  be  done 
before  your  answer  could  come  here,  and  to  have 
it  in  your  power  to  say  it  was  done  without  your 
knowledge   and   approbation."      Henry  had  dis- 
coursed to  James  "fully  and  freely  on  the  vocation 
he   had   long   had   to   embrace  an   ecclesiastical 
state,  and  which  he  had  so  long  concealed  from 
me  and  kept  to  himself,  with  a  view,  no  doubt,  of 
having  it  in  his  power  of  being  of  some  use  to  you 
in  the  late  conjunctures.     But  the  case  is  now 
altered,  and  as  I  am  fully  convinced  of  the  sin- 
cerity and  solidity  of  his  vocation,  I  should  think 
it  a  resisting  the  will  of  God,  and  acting  directly 
against  my  conscience,  if  I  should  pretend  to  con- 
strain him  in  a  matter  which  so  nearly  concerns 
him."     James  hinted  other  motives  than   those 
of  "  conscience  and  equity "  for  his  approval  of 


136         THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

Henry's  step,  and  admitted  that,  considering  "  all 
that  has  passed  in  relation  to  the  Duke  for  some 
years  bygone,  had  he  not  had  the  vocation  he  has, 
I  should  have  used  my  best  endeavours  and  all 
arguments  to  have  induced  him  to  embrace  that 
state,"  and  "to  secure  to  him,  as  much  as  in  me 
lay,  that  tranquillity  and  happiness  which  I  was 
sensible  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  enjoy  in  any 
other  state."  In  plain  English,  Charles,  alone  of 
his  family,  now  regarded  the  pretensions  of  his 
House  seriously.  To  him  was  Esau's  portion. 
But  neither  James  nor  Henry  could  or  would 
understand  that  the  Cardinalate  had  cheated 
Charles  of  his  birthright  as  surely  as  Jacob  Esau 
in  the  long  ago.  His  rage  against  them  was 
intelligible  and  abiding. 

Burning  with  indignation  against  his  family 
and  an  unsympathetic  world,  Charles  fell  at  once 
and  easily  under  petticoat  influence  not  wisely 
directed.  The  Princesse  de  Talmond  and  Madame 
D'Aiguillon  fought  over  him,  says  Mr.  Lang 
expressively,  "  like  fish-hags."  Both  were  beauti- 
ful, neither  of  them  wise  counsellors  to  a  lad  still 
in  his  twenties.  His  situation,  too,  was  becoming 
critical.  France,  though  unwilling  to  aid  him, 
so  far  offered  him  a  home.  Even  that  boon  was  to 
be  withdrawn.  In  the  spring  of  1748  the  long 
war  which  had  devastated  Europe  since  1740  was 
drawing  to  its  close.  Plenipotentiaries  were 


INTRIGUE  (1746—1766)  137 

already  discussing  peace  at  Aix-la-Chapelle.  Its 
conclusion  touched  the  Jacobites  closely,  for  their 
nets  were  only  set  in  stormy  waters.  And  to 
Charles  personally  the  imminence  of  peace  was 
critical,  for  England  insisted  as  a  fundamental 
condition  that  France  should  no  longer  offer  him 
an  asylum.  Charles  affected  nonchalance.  The 
mob  admired  him,  and  at  the  Opera  and  else- 
where he  ostentatiously  courted  their  applause. 
He  intended  to  show  the  French  Ministry  that 
popular  opinion  would  not  brook  his  betrayal. 
He  talked  of  standing  a  siege  in  his  house,  like 
Charles  XII.  at  Bender,  and  other  rodomontade. 
Louis  was  anxious  to  avoid  a  scandal  and  to  induce 
the  headstrong  youth  to  withdraw  quietly.  Charles 
would  not  listen  to  hints  delicately  conveyed. 
In  June,  1748,  Fribourg  was  suggested  as  his  resi- 
dence. Madame  de  Talmond  counselled  resist- 
ance. Fribourg  he  would  not  hear  of.  In  July 
he  drew  up  a  protest  and  sent  it  to  Louis.  He 
continued  in  his  course  of  reckless  dare-devildom, 
appeared  frequently  at  the  Opera,  "  fort  gai  et 
fort  beau,"  feasted  his  friends,  and  was  generally 
unreasonable.  The  Due  de  Gevres  and  Comte 
de  Maurepas  were  sent  to  talk  to  him.  James 
was  begged  to  preach  reason  to  him,  and  did  so 
without  effect.  Louis's  patience  was  at  length 
exhausted.  The  non-fulfilment  of  his  treaty  obli- 
gations already  called  forth  protest  from  England. 


138          THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

On  December  10  he  signed  an  order  for  Charles's 
arrest.  "  Poor  Prince,  how  hard  it  is  for  a  King 
to  be  a  friend  !"  he  is  said  to  have  murmured  as 
he  did  so.  News  of  the  danger  in  which  he  stood 
reached  Charles.  He  dismissed  it  with  a  "  Pish- 
pish,  an  idle  rumour  !"  In  the  evening  (Decem- 
ber 10)  he  drove  to  the  Opera  as  usual.  As  he 
drove  along  the  Rue  St.  Honore  he  received 
another  warning,  but  went  on  disregarding. 
Precautions  almost  farcical  had  been  taken  to 
secure  his  arrest.  In  the  Place  de  1'Opera  twelve 
hundred  men  under  the  Due  de  Biran  were  drawn 
up.  Scaling-ladders  and  locksmiths  were  in  readi- 
ness, in  case  Charles  took  refuge  in  a  neighbouring 
Fort  Chabrol.  Three  surgeons  and  a  physician 
were  in  attendance  with  their  tools.  The  thing 
was  planned  lavishly  on  the  scale  of  a  campaign. 
As  Charles  alighted  he  was  seized,  arms,  body,  and 
legs,  carried  to  the  court  of  the  Palais-Royal, 
and  thence  to  the  apartment  of  Marsolan,  the 
Due  d'Orleans'  surgeon.  Major  Vandreuil  of  the 
Guards  came  to  him  there  and  announced  his 
arrest.  Charles  refused  to  surrender  his  arms, 
but  allowed  them  to  be  taken  from  him,  a  sword, 
a  two-bladed  knife,  and  a  pair  of  pistols.  He 
was  bound  securely  with  a  silken  cord,  carried  to 
a  coach,  and  driven  off  to  the  Chateau  de  Vin- 
cennes.  There  he  was  well  treated,  and  after  a 
week's  confinement  was  set  at  liberty  upon  his 


INTRIGUE  (1746—1766)  139 

undertaking  to  leave  France.  It  is  uncertain 
whether  he  pledged  himself  not  to  re-enter 
France.  If  he  did  so,  his  parole  was  imper- 
fectly kept.  On  December  17  he  was  escorted 
from  Vincennes  to  Beauvoisin,  on  the  frontiers  of 
Savoy.  Thence  he  went  through  Chambery  to 
Papal  Avignon,  the  one  spot  in  Europe  still  open 
to  him.  He  arrived  there  on  December  27,  dis- 
guised as  an  Irish  officer  in  the  Spanish  service. 
On  January  1,  1749,  he  wrote  to  his  father, 
declaring  himself  "  in  perfect  good  health,  not- 
withstanding the  unheard  of  barbarous  and  in- 
human treatment  I  have  met  with."  He  had  left 
his  virile,  hopeful  youth  behind.  The  diplomacy 
of  Europe  had  declared  him  host  is  humani  generis. 
Henceforwai'd  he  lurks  in  his  secret  lairs,  sinking 
lower  and  lower  below  the  level  of  his  once 
buoyant  self. 

Charles  remained  at  Avignon  for  two  months. 
On  his  arrival  he  stayed  with  Mrs.  Hay,  poor 
Clementina's  innocent  rival.  Captain  Stafford, 
who  had  accompanied  him  on  his  Spanish  jaunt, 
and  young  Sheridan  were  with  him.  Later  the 
Due  de  Rochefort's  house  gave  him  shelter.  It 
was  reported  in  Rome  that  the  Princesse  de 
Talmond  shared  his  exile,  but  that  Dulcinea  was 
probably  doing  penance  in  Lorraine,  where  Charles 
joined  her  later.  To  relieve  the  monotony  of 
Avignon's  humdrum  existence  Charles  patronized 


140 

boxing  matches.  But  Avignon  guarded  its  re- 
spectability with  an  edict  as  antiquated  as  that 
which  protects  England's  Sabbath  from  profana- 
tion. The  Archbishop  intervened,  and  forbade 
the  unholy  sport.  Charles  turned  to  more  serious 
interests.  On  February  24,  1749,  he  sent  a 
formal  proposal  for  the  hand  of  the  daughter  of 
the  Landgrave  of  Hesse  Darmstadt.  He  admitted 
that  the  outlook  was  unpromising,  his  prospects 
far  from  roseate,  but,  Micawber-like,  trusted  that 
something  would  turn  up.  He  drafted,  but  surely 
never  despatched,  as  Mr.  Lang  supposes,  a  letter 
to  the  King  of  Poland  announcing  his  coming  with 
the  Landgrave's  daughter !  Somewhere  an  asylum 
had  to  be  found,  for  his  residence  at  Avignon  had 
not  passed  unchallenged.  England  threatened 
the  severest  reprisals  if  the  Pope  continued  to 
give  him  shelter  there.  Benedict  XIV.,  like 
Louis,  was  forced  to  abandon  his  guest.  The 
news  was  communicated  to  Charles  somewhat 
timorously,  for  what  might  not  a  young  man  be 
capable  of  whose  capture  had  engaged  an  army  ? 
Contrary  to  anticipation  Charles  heard  the  message 
quietly,  and  obeyed  it  without  a  murmur.  On 
February  28,  1 749,  he  rode  out  of  Avignon  with 
Henry  Goring.  To  cover  his  retreat  he  adopted 
his  brother's  ruse.  His  house  remained  open,  his 
servants  on  duty.  His  physician  called  daily, 
and  to  inquirers  Charles  was  said  to  be  ill  in  bed. 


INTRIGUE  (1746—1766)  141 

Some  suspicious  or  inquisitive  people  at  length 
exposed  the  stratagem.  Climbing  to  the  top  of 
the  opposite  house  they  saw  Charles's  room  empty 
and  fireless.  But  the  plan  had  served  its  turn. 
Charles  had  effectually  covered  his  trail.  From 
the  night  of  February  28  he  hides  himself,  as 
Voltaire  said,  "  from  the  whole  world."  Mr. 
Lang's  diligent  ingenuity  has  lifted  the  curtain. 

While  diplomatists  were  speculating  vainly 
upon  Charles's  movements,  detecting  him  now 
in  Berlin,  now  in  Stockholm,  Lithuania,  and  else- 
where, Charles  was  actually  in  the  heart  of,  or  on 
the  borders  of,  the  forbidden  country,  France. 
More  than  a  generation  before  Charles's  father 
had  found  refuge  in  Lorraine.  Unable  to  remain 
in  Avignon,  and  refusing  to  join  his  father  in 
Italy,  Lorraine  suggested  itself  as  a  temporary 
asylum,  at  least  until  his  plans  were  matured. 
Other  reasons  drew  Charles  thither.  At  Lune- 
ville  his  kinsman,  Stanislas  Leczinski,  the  ex- 
King  of  Poland,  held  his  Court.  There,  too,  was 
his  Dulcinea,  the  Princesse  de  Talmond,  who,  in 
disgrace  at  Paris,  had  gone  thither  to  her  estates. 
Charles,  no  doubt,  joined  her — her  husband  had 
forbidden  him  her  house  in  Paris.  But  before 
entering  upon  the  life  of  mystery  which  he  had 
marked  out  for  himself,  it  was  necessary  to 
arrange  his  financial  affairs,  correspondence  and 
so  forth,  with  his  agent,  the  banker  Waters,  at 


i42         THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

Paris.  His  Highland  Odysseid  had,  perhaps, 
made  him  contemptuous  of  pursuit  and  detection. 
He  resolved  to  go  to  Paris  himself.  On  March  6, 
1 749,  he  wrote  to  Waters,  that  he  intended  to  call 
for  letters.  On  April  3,  from  Luneville,  where 
he  was  the  guest  of  Mittie,  Stanislas's  physician, 
he  drafted  in  puzzling  French  a  complicated  plan 
for  his  journey  to  Paris.  His  disguises  would 
make  a  bewildering  list.  For  the  moment  he 
was  "Mr.  Benn."  Goring,  it  was  arranged,  was 
to  proceed  to  Paris  to  prepare  for  Charles's 
arrival.  On  his  journey  thither,  or,  probably,  on  his 
return,  he  was  to  arrive  in  a  post-chaise  at  Ligny. 
Charles  was  to  come  there  from  Dijon,  to  meet 
Goring  as  if  by  accident,  hear  his  news,  and  send 
him  on  horseback  to  Dijon  with  papers  concealed  in 
his  trunk,  lent  to  Goring  "comme  par  amitie." 
Charles  thereupon  was  to  proceed  to  Paris  in 
Goring's  discarded  chaise.  The  scheme  appears  to 
have  worked  smoothly,  though  Charles's  brief  visit 
to  Paris  did  not  pass  undetected.  One  follows  his 
later  flittings  with  some  difficulty.  From  Paris  he 
seems  to  have  returned  to  Lorraine.  He  was  at 
Strassburg  on  April  26,  where  he  was  again  de- 
tected and  warned  to  depart.  The  idea  upper- 
most in  his  mind  was  to  enlist  the  help  of  the 
Earl  Marischal,  then  at  Berlin.  Before  the  '45  he 
and  Charles  had  had  differences  ;  they  grew  to 
greater  height  in  the  future.  Meanwhile  Charles 


INTRIGUE  (1746—1766)  143 

was  corresponding  with  him.  He  wrote  to  him 
under  cover  on  April  10,  somewhat  doubtful  of 
the  Earl's  disposition :  "  Whatever  party  you  take, 
be  pleased  to  keep  my  writing  secret,  and  address 
to  me  at  Venise  to  the  Sig.  Ignazio  Testori,  to 
Mr.  de  Villelongue  under  cover  to  a  Banquier  of 
that  town,  and  it  will  come  safe  to  me."  On 
April  20  he  wrote  again,  and  Goring  carried  both 
letters.  But  the  Earl  was  very  comfortable  at 
Berlin  under  Frederick's  friendship.  Charles  got 
no  more  from  him  than  a  mother-of-pearl  snuff-box 
with  his  miniature.  Perhaps,  as  Mr.  Lang  suggests, 
he  desired  to  convey  the  hint  that  his  service  to 
Charles's  House  rendered  him  unable  to  give 
more.  Charles  meanwhile,  on  May  3,  was  en 
route  to  Venice.  "  Next  to  France,"  he  told 
James  Edgar  at  Rome,  "  Venice  is  the  best  for  my 
interest,  and  the  only  one  in  Italy."  He  wrote 
from  there  again  to  the  Earl  Marischal  on  May  1 7 
to  say  that  he  had  just  arrived,  but  was  doubtful 
of  the  reception  he  would  meet  with.  He  was 
not  long  in  doubt.  On  May  25  he  received 
"  a  definite  answer  about  my  project "  from  the 
Nuntio,  who  told  him  that  his  further  stay  in 
Venice  was  impossible.  Next  day  (May  26)  he 
wrote  to  his  father :  "  As  I  have  nothing  further 
to  do  here,  and  would  not  run  the  least  risk  of 
being  found  out,  I  depart  this  very  evening.'' 
One  looks  into  his  abyss  of  hopelessness  in  a 


i44          THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

scribbled  note  of  his  at  this  time  :  "  What  can 
a  bird  do  that  has  not  found  a  right  nest  ?  He 
must  flit  from  bough  to  bough,  ainsi  use  lex 
Irondel."  He  left  Venice  with  vague  hopes  of 
Maria  Theresa's  hospitality,  but  drifted  back  to 
Paris. 

The  refuge  which  Charles  was  approaching  in 
Paris  was  a  curious  one.  There  stood  in  the  Rue 
St.  Dominique  the  Convent  of  St.  Joseph.  It 
had  been  founded  by  Madame  de  Montespan, 
and  attached  to  it  were  apartments  in  which  ladies 
of  rank  could  reside  in  some  seclusion  from  the 
world.  Its  existence  was  revealed  to  Charles,  no 
doubt,  by  the  Princesse  de  Talmond,  who  had 
rooms  in  it.  Residing  there  also  were  two  ladies, 
Mademoiselle  Ferrand  and  her  friend,  Madame 
de  Vasse.  To  them  Charles  owed  shelter  many 
times  during  the  years  1749  to  1752.  His  secret 
was  well  kept,  and  not  until  Mademoiselle  Ferrand 
was  dead  did  her  friend  reveal  it  to  Choiseul,  then 
Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs.  So  early  as  March, 
1749,  Mademoiselle  Ferrand's  name  appears 
among  Charles's  hurried  notes.  During  his  brief 
visit  to  Paris  in  April,  however,  he  did  not  meet 
her.  On  June  30,  1749,  he  wrote  to  her  to 
beg  her  to  receive  his  correspondence  at  Paris, 
for  Waters,  the  banker,  was  already  suspect.  On 
July  23  he  wrote  again.  She  had  written  a  life 
of  Cartouche  the  robber,  and  he  addressed  her  in 


INTRIGUE  (1746—1766)  145 

that  character  :  "  It  is  very  bold  of  Cartouche  to 
write  once  more,  without  knowing  whether  you 
wish  to  be  concerned  with  him,  but  people  of  our 
profession  are  usually  impudent."  "  I  pray  you 
to  have  some  confidence  in  this  handwriting,"  he 
concluded,  "and  to  believe  that  Cartouche, 
though  he  be  Cartouche,  is  a  true  friend." 
Mademoiselle  Ferrand  was  willing  to  extend  to  him 
a  friendship  as  innocent  as  Flora's,  and  then,  or 
soon  after,  the  Convent  became  his  headquarters 
in  Paris.  By  day  he  remained  hidden.  At  night 
he  listened  in  concealment  to  the  conversation  of 
a  brilliant  salon  ;  Coiidillac,  Madame  du  Deffand, 
and  Montesquieu  frequented  it.  Charles's  liaison 
with  the  Princesse  de  Talmond  was  continued 
there ;  a  secret  staircase  led  from  his  hiding- 
place  to  her  chambers.  She  was  exigeante  and  he 
careless,  one  gathers.  Mademoiselle  Ferrand, 
too,  became  an  innocent  cause  of  jealousy  and 
bickering.  Madame  de  Vasse,  so  Grimm  records, 
had  at  length  to  withdraw  her  hospitality  from 
Charles  "  because  of  the  too  lively  scenes  between 
him  and  Madame  de  Talmond.  They  began  in 
tender  effusions,  and  often  ended  in  a  quarrel,  or 
even  in  blows."  A  strange  household  ! 

The  summer  and  autumn  of  1749  Charles  passed, 

seemingly,  either  in  his  "  nest "  in  the  Rue   St. 

Dominique  or  in  Lorraine.     Fugitive  notes  of  his 

are  his  only  traces.       He  was  hard   pushed  for 

10 


146         THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

money.  Kennedy  had  already  gone  to  Scotland 
to  secure  what  remained  of  the  Loch  Arkaig 
treasure,  and  Goring  was  sent  to  London  at  the 
end  of  July  to  try  to  raise  funds.  He  brought 
back  £15,000,  and  Charles  (August  21)  placed 
"fifteen  thousand  Livers"  on  credit  with  Waters, 
to  relieve  his  despairing  household  at  Avignon. 
Goring  ran  on  many  strange  errands.  In  Decem- 
ber— Charles  had  been  at  Lun6ville — he  was 
despatched  to  Paris  for  the  Prince's  "  big  Muff 
and  portfeul."  In  January,  1750,  Charles  was 
still  brawling  with  Madame  de  Talmond,  and 
pledging  himself  in  mock-treaty  form,  "  retirer  aux 
heures  qu'il  lui  conviendra  a  la  ditte  P[rincesse], 
soit  de  jour,  soit  de  nuit,  soit  de  ses  etats."  In 
May  he  was  commissioning  Mademoiselle  Ferrand 
to  procure  for  him  Fielding's  novels,  Joseph 
Andrews  "dans  sa  langue  naturelle,  et  la  traduc- 
tion  aussi,"  and  Tom  Jones  in  French. 

Tom  Jones  and  Madame  de  Talmond  served 
pour  un  temps.  They  were  put  aside  with  the 
prospect  of  activity  and  adventure.  In  the  spring 
of  1750  there  were,  or  were  supposed  to  be, 
grounds  for  believing  that  the  Jacobite  party  in 
England,  after  a  period  of  obscuration,  had  again 
arisen.  If  one  may  trust  Sir  Walter  Scott,  they 
still  looked  to  Charles  as  Adam  to  Orlando  in 
As  You  Like  It : 

"  Master,  go  on,  and  I  will  follow  thee, 
To  the  last  gasp,  with  truth  and  loyalty." 


INTRIGUE  (1746—1766)  147 

Charles  at  least  was  perfectly  willing  to  take 
their  professions  seriously.  His  jottings  in  the 
early  part  of  1750  show  that  a  scheme  of  more 
than  usual  boldness  was  in  progress,  and  it  cul- 
minated in  September,  when  Charles,  who  had 
lurked  under  Louis's  nose  in  the  heart  of  Paris, 
proved  his  equal  indifference  to  George  II., 
and  walked  the  streets  and  saw  the  sights  of 
London  unmolested — without  the  kilt,  however, 
as  he  once  had  planned.  As  early  as  April  24 
Kennedy  was  under  orders  to  accompany  him  to 
London.  On  May  3  Charles  jots  down  his  resolu- 
tion "  to  go  over  [to  London]  at  any  rate,"  and 
notes  that  "  the  person  who  makes  the  proposal 
of  coming  over  "  assures  him  he  can  do  so  with 
safety.  Antwerp  was  to  be  his  port  of  departure, 
and  on  June  8  Goring  received  Charles's  instruc- 
tions to  visit  his  agent  there,  James  Dormer,  whom 
Charles — who  had  already  deposited  1 86,000  lirtrx 
with  Waters — directed  (June  8)  "to  get  me  with 
all  ye  expedition  possible  Twenty  Thousand  Guns, 
Baionets,  Ammunition  proportioned,  with  four 
thousand  sords  and  Pistols  for  horces  in  one  ship, 
which  is  to  be  ye  first,  and  in  ye  second  six 
thouzand  Guns  without  Baionets,  but  sufficient 
Amunition,  and  Six  thouzand  Erode  sords." 
Not  even  in  1745  had  Charles  carried  such  an 
armament  as  this,  and  how  he  designed  to  employ 
it  does  not  appear.  As  Mr.  Lang  points  out,  an 
10—2 


i48         THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

emeute  of  the  Layer  and  Elibank  kind  was  the 
utmost  that  was  probably  contemplated,  a  ballon 
d'essai  to  test  the  current  of  public  feeling ; 
possibly  no  more  than  an  interested  effort  to 
strengthen  the  Opposition.  It  is  clear  that  the 
very  desire  to  be  again  in  the  saddle  magnified  in 
Charles's  mind  the  frail  hopes  held  out  to  him. 
He  was  certainly  much  in  earnest,  for  on  July  2 
he  applied  for  a  renewal  of  the  commission  as 
Prince  Regent  under  which  he  had  acted  in  1745, 
His  father  gave  it,  but  told  him  bluntly  that  he 
was  "a  continual  heart-break."  James  warned 
him,  too,  that  "  while  you  do  all  that  is  necessary 
to  disgust  them,"  Charles  could  not  expect  much 
from  his  friends.  The  old  King  was  right,  and 
Charles  had  not  yet  exhausted  his  powers  of 
shocking  an  astonished  world. 

Charles  sailed  from  Antwerp  for  England  on 
September  12,  1750,  close  upon  the  fourth 
anniversary  of  his  escape  from  Scotland  in  1746. 
On  the  14th  he  landed,  and  two  days  later 
(September  16)  was  in  London.  Many  years 
afterwards  (1783)  Charles  described  his  adventure 
to  Gustavus  III.  of  Sweden ;  how  he  had  visited 
the  Tower,  and  concluded  that  Leslie's  ruse  at 
Edinburgh  Castle  in  1639  might  as  easily  win  the 
Conqueror's  fortress.  His  hostess  in  London  was 
probably  Lady  Primrose.  Dr.  King,  of  St.  Mary's 
Hall,  Oxford,  invited  him  to  tea,  and  his  servant 


INTRIGUE  (1746—1766)  149 

was  struck  by  the  likeness  of  the  visitor  to  the 
busts  of  Prince  Charles  then  being  sold  in 
London.  In  his  Anecdotes  King  tells  of  his  visit 
to  Lady  Primrose,  where  Charles  was  hiding : 
"September,  1750. — I  received  a  note  from  my 
Lady  Primrose,  who  desired  to  see  me  immediately. 
As  soon  as  I  waited  on  her,  she  led  me  into  her 
dressing-room,  and  presented  me  to —  [the 
Prince],  If  I  was  surprised  to  find  him  there,  I 
was  still  more  astonished  when  he  acquainted  me 
with  the  motives  which  had  induced  him  to 
hazard  a  journey  to  England  at  this  juncture. 
The  impatience  of  his  friends  who  were  in  exile 
had  formed  a  scheme  which  was  impracticable  ; 
but  although  it  had  been  as  feasible  as  they  had 
represented  it  to  him,  yet  no  preparation  had 
been  made,  nor  was  any  thing  ready  to  carry  it 
into  execution.  He  was  soon  convinced  that  he 
had  been  deceived,  and,  therefore,  after  a  stay  in 
London  of  five  days  only,  he  returned  to  the 
place  from  whence  he  came."  Boisdale  had  made 
a  similar  commentary  upon  the  ill-planned  expedi- 
tion of  1745.  The  brief  visit  to  London,  however, 
was  memorable  for  an  event  which,  at  an  earlier 
date  and  more  generally  proclaimed,  might  have 
produced  great  results.  Charles  professed  himself 
a  Protestant,  and  was  admitted  into  the  Anglican 
communion,  says  one  account,  in  "the  New 
Church  "  in  the  Strand,  presumably  St.  Mary-le- 


150         THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

Strand,  which  had  been  built  about  thirty  years 
before.  Charles's  resentment  against  Rome  and 
his  brother  probably  inspired  in  some  degree  a 
step  which  was  of  little  practical  value  to  him  or 
his  party.  It  fell  in,  however,  with  the  general 
bent  of  his  policy  since  1746.  His  father  had 
long  since  reproached  him  for  his  evident  and 
ostentatious  endeavour  to  advertise  himself  as  the 
leader  of  that  section  of  the  Jacobite  party  which 
rejected  Rome's  interest  and  patronage. 

In  1759,  before  Hawke's  victory  over  Conflans 
in  Quiberon  Bay  defeated  his  last  hope  of  a 
rising  in  his  favour,  Charles  prepared  an  explana- 
tion of  his  motives  for  changing  his  religion.  It 
was  as  follows  : 

"The  Roman  Catholick  religion  has  been  the  ruin  of 
the  royal  Family,  the  subversion  of  the  English  Monarchy 
and  Constitution,  in  the  last  century,  did  like  an  earth- 
quake raise  up  that  fatal  rock  on  which  it  split.  In  that 
religion  was  I  brought  up  and  educated  as  other  Princes 
are,  with  a  firm  attachment  to  the  see  of  Rome.  Had 
motives  of  interest  been  able  to  make  me  disguise  my 
sentiments  upon  the  material  point  of  religion,  I  should 
certainly  in  my  first  undertaking  in  the  year  1745  have 
declared  myself  a  protestant,  it  was  too  evidently  my 
interest  so  to  doe  to  leave  a  doubt  with  any  person.  As 
to  the  motive  which  dissuaded  me  from  it,  it  was  no  other 
than  a  persuasion  of  the  truth  of  my  religion.  The 
adversity  I  have  suffered  since  that  time,  has  made  me 
reflect,  has  furnished  me  with  opportunitys  of  being  in- 
formed, and  God  has  been  pleased  so  far  to  smile  upon 


INTRIGUE  (1746—1766)  151 

my  honest  endeavour,  as  to  enlighten  my  understanding 
and  point  me  out  the  hidden  path  by  which  the  finger  of 
man  has  been  introduced  to  form  the  artfull  system  of 
Roman  Infallibility. 

"  Iff  it  was  greatly  my  interest  when  last  amongst  you 
to  appear  to  be  a  protestant,  it  was  surely  as  much  against 
it  after  my  misfortune  and  during  my  Exile  to  become 
realy  one  ;  that  motive  however  had  no  weight  with  me 
in  a  matter  of  so  great  concern. 

"  In  order  to  make  my  renountiation  of  the  errors  of  the 
Church  of  Rome  the  most  authentick,  and  the  less  liable 
afterwards  to  malitious  interpretations,  I  went  to  London 
in  the  year  1750  and  in  that  capital  did  then  make 
a  solemn  abjuration  of  the  Romish  religion,  and  did 
embrace  that  of  the  Church  of  England  as  by  Law 
Established  in  the  39  Articles,  in  which  I  hope  to  live 
and  die." 

Charles's  religious  convictions,  however,  like 
Charles  IL's,  were  conveniently  superficial  and 
elastic.  In  later  years  he  reverted  easily  to  the 
Church  which  had  nurtured  him,  and,  in  spite  of 
his  desertion,  sheltered  him  when  he  was  old  and 
friendless. 

On  September  22,  1750,  Charles's  fruitless  visit 
to  London  came  to  an  end.  He  spent  four  days 
(September  24-28)  at  Paris,  in  the  Convent,  no 
doubt,  and  then  he  disappears.  He  may  have 
met  Madame  de  Talmond  upon  his  return  from 
London ;  at  least  their  quarrel  reached  its  climax. 
He  had  suspected  her,  it  seems,  before  he  went  to 
London.  On  his  return  to  Paris  he  summoned 


152          THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

her,  doubtful,  as  he  notes  in  angry  bluntness, 
whether  she  were  ""a  tretor  or  a  hour."  She 
refused  to  come,  and  went  to  Commercy ;  Stanislas 
Leczinski  had  her  promise,  she  wrote  to  Charles. 
On  September  26  he  answered  her  from  Paris. 
He  was  leaving  at  once,  he  said,  and  continued : 
"Je  ne  puis  pas  me  dispenser  de  vous  repeter, 
Combien  chaque  jour  de  votre  absence  faira  du 
tort  a  mes  affaier,  outre  Le  desire  d'avoire  une 
Compagnie  si  agreable  dans  une  si  triste  solitude 
que  ma  malhereuse  situation  m'oblige  indispen- 
sablement  de  tenire."  He  was  going  to  Lorraine, 
he  added,  and  would  neither  receive  nor  send  any 
letters  through  his  usual  channel,  Mademoiselle 
Ferrand.  On  September  30  he  wrote  to  Waters, 
that  he  would  hear  nothing  of  him  until  January  1 5, 
1751.  Perhaps  Madame  de  Vasse  and  Mademoi- 
selle Ferrand  found  him  shelter.  Henry  Goring 
writes  to  Charles,  seemingly  at  this  period  :  "  You 
are  offer'd  by  ye  Ladies  the  chateau  you  know  of, 
which  by  the  description  is  a  lonely,  solitary 
place,  if  you  think  it  safe  to  make  the  journey: 
for  if  it  should  ever  become  publick  where  you 
are,  or  if  more  suspected,  it  would  be  almost 
impossible  to  remove  and  at  the  same  time 
dangerous  to  stay."  He  added:  "The  Ladies 
by  way  of  discourse  asked  me  if  you  was  in 
want  of  money,  upon  which  I  replied,  I  was  not 
enough  acquainted  with  your  affairs  to  know 


INTRIGUE  (1746—1766)  !53 

how  that  matter  was,  but  I  did  not  believe  you 
were  in  distress  ;  they  told  me  that  when  you  were 
with  them  they  had  often  a.  mind  to  speak  to  you 
on  that  subject,  but  were  affraid  you  would  take 
it  ill,  to  whom  they  sayd  they  could  speak  with 
more  liberty,  to  propose  it  to  you.  I  told  them  it 
was  an  affair  too  delicate  for  me  to  medle  in  without 
your  orders,  I  thought  however  it  was  my  duty  to 
acquaint  you  with  the  generous  sentiments  and 
ye  noble  friendship  of  the  two  Heroines,  for  such 
they  are." 

News  of  Charles  in  this  dark  period  of  his 
incognito  was  occasionally  obtained.  In  October 
he  was  reported  to  be  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Paris,  "  disguised  in  an  Abbe's  dress,  with  a  black 
patch  upon  his  eye,  and  his  eye-brows  black'd." 
On  January  15, 1751,  his  father  believed  him  to  be 
at  Boulogne-sur-Mer.  It  is  possible,  Mr.  Lang 
thinks,  that  during  the  winter  of  1750-51  Charles 
was  in  Germany.  His  letters  in  some  part  of 
that  period  seem  to  have  gone  by  Mayence.  His 
correspondence  with  Mademoiselle  Ferrand  con- 
tinued, chiefly  relating  to  the  progress  of  his 
quarrel  with  "La  Xante,"  as  he  called  Madame 
de  Talmond.  He  asks  Mademoiselle  Ferrand 
(December  30,  1750)  to  send  him  Montesquieu's 
L' Esprit  des  Lois,  and,  of  another  character,  Les 
Amours  de  Mile.  Fanfiche.  Later  he  asks  for 
Racine's  Athalie  and  Richardson's  Clarissa  Harlowe. 


i54          THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

His  literary  tastes  were  eclectic.  On  February  10, 
1751,  Albemarle,  at  Paris,  reported  him  to  have 
been  lately  received  at  Berlin  by  Frederick.  It 
is  impossible  to  say  how  far  the  rumour  is  correct. 
Charles's  hopes  were  certainly  fixed  upon  Frederick 
at  this  time.  A  note  of  his  records  his  admiration 
of  the  King,  "not  as  a  K."  (Charles  affected  repub- 
licanism), "  but,  as  I  believe  him  to  be,  a  clever 
man."  On  March  4  he  was  certainly  back  in 
Paris.  Young  Waters  saw  him  at  the  Opera  ball, 
and  returned  to  him  a  watch  which  he  had  left  at 
the  Convent  of  English  nuns  at  Pontoise.  After 
this  brief  appearance  Charles  dives  again.  In  the 
summer  of  1751  two  events  gave  him  encourage- 
ment. In  July  Charles  heard  of  a  new  adherent, 
Alexander  Murray,  brother  of  Lord  Elibank,  who 
had  been  imprisoned  for  his  conduct  at  the  famous 
Westminster  election,  and  sought  revenge  in  as 
hare-brained  a  plot  as  ever  was  planned.  In 
August  the  Earl  Marischal,  whom  Charles  had 
wooed  in  vain  in  1 749,  came  to  Paris  as  Frederick's 
Ambassador.  Charles,  from  his  retreat  in  or 
near  Paris,  endeavoured  to  gain  the  Earl's  help 
and  interest.  Goring  was  sent  to  sound  him. 
On  September  20  Goring  informed  him  of  his 
mission  and  asked  for  an  audience.  The  Earl 
suggested  a  meeting  the  next  afternoon,  in  a 
garden  "  famous  for  fruit,  by  Pique-price,  beyond 
it  some  way."  Goring  preferred  the  night  time, 


INTRIGUE  (1746—1766)  155 

and  proposed  the  Tuilleries.  The  Earl  agreed  to 
"  walk  along  the  step  or  terrace  before  the  house 
in  the  garden,"  provided  it  was  fine.  Perhaps 
they  met  there.  Other  meetings  were  arranged 
in  October,  but  benefited  Charles  not  one  whit. 
Marischal  was  cautious. 

Charles,  in  fact,  was  in  dire  need  of  assistance 
from  some  quarter  or  another.  His  absurd  pre- 
parations in  1750  had  left  him  without  means  and 
in  debt.  Waters,  in  February,  1752,  refused  to 
advance  money.  Dormer,  at  Antwerp,  had  to 
protest  against  drafts  upon  an  exhausted  account. 
Madame  de  Vasse,  on  May  5,  was  unable  to  help, 
and  Montesquieu,  whom  Charles  appears  to  have 
suggested  as  able  to  do  so,  was  not  in  Paris.  In 
March,  1752,  Charles's  establishment  at  Avignon 
was  broken  up  and  his  servants  were  dismissed. 
The  reason  was  not  entirely  due  to  want  of  money. 
Charles  contemplated  another  and  less  reputable 
menage.  He  was  on  the  brink  of  a  step  which 
alienated  the  friends  still  left  to  him,  and  broke  up 
his  longsuffering  party.  In  the  spring  of  1 752,  de- 
serting Lorraine  and  its  associations  with  Madame 
de  Talmond,  Charles  took  up  his  quarters  in  the 
Netherlands.  He  passed  as  the  Chevalier  Wil- 
liam Johnson.  By  May  12  he  had  taken  a  house 
at  Ghent,  near  the  Place  de  I'Empereur,  "  a  preti 
house,  and  room  in  it  to  lodge  a  friend,"  he 
describes  it.  The  "  preti  house "  was  not  long 


156  THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

without  the  "friend."     In  the   summer  of  1752 
Clementina  Walkinshaw  became  its  mistress. 

Charles  had  met  Clementina  for  the  first  time 
six  years  before,  when  he  was  besieging  Stirling 
Castle  early  in  1746%  He  was  then  at  Bannock- 
burn  House,  the  guest  of  Sir  Hugh  Paterson. 
There  also  was  his  host's  granddaughter,  a  girl 
of  twenty,  the  daughter  of  John  Walkinshaw  of 
Barrowfield.  She  bore  the  names  of  Charles's 
mother,  Maria  Clementina.  In  later  years  she 
described  herself  as  "undone"  between  1745 
and  1747.  She  was,  probably,  Charles's  mistress 
during  the  months  before  he  reluctantly  sanc- 
tioned the  retreat  from  Stirling.  They  parted 
with  a  promise  on  her  part  to  join  him  "  wherever 
providence  might  lead  him,  if  he  failed  in  his 
attempt."  With  our  knowledge  of  Charles's  life 
since  1746,  it  is  difficult  to  believe  that  Clementina 
had  remained  a  very  vivid  memory  to  him.  Can 
he  have  met  her  during  his  sudden  descent  upon 
London  in  1750?  He  had  all  but  broken  with 
Madame  de  Talmond,  and  such  a  meeting  would 
revive  pleasant  memories  and  suggest  a  partner- 
ship less  exigeant.  By  1752 — how  much  earlier  is 
not  known — Clementina  had  become  canoness  in 
a  Chapitre  noble  in  the  Netherlands.  O'Sullivan, 
one  of  the  "Seven  Men  of  Moidart,"  it  is  sug- 
gested, was  the  baneful  agent  who  urged  her  to 
fulfil  her  promise  of  long  ago.  She  consented 


CLEMENTINA   WALKINSHAW 


INTRIGUE  (1746—1766)  157 

and  went  to  Douai.  Thence,  by  Charles's  orders, 
she  proceeded  to  Paris.  Goring  was  there,  in 
the  Rue  St.  Dominique,  and  Charles  peremptorily 
required  his  and  Madame  de  Vasse's  assistance  in 
bringing  to  him  his  new  Dulcinea.  Scruples  of 
morality  can  hardly  have  inspired  their  deep  dis- 
gust for  the  duty,  for  Madame  de  Vasse  had 
allowed  Charles's  liaison  with  Madame  de  Talmond 
to  proceed  under  her  own  roof.  Yet  Charles 
writes  to  her  :  "  Malgre  tout  votre  repugnance  je 
vous  ordonne  d'executer  avec  toutes  les  precau- 
tions possibles  ce  dont  je  vous  ai  charge."  She 
was  to  tell  Goring,  that  if  he  desired  to  retain  his 
master's  favour,  "  he  must  show  you  the  best  and 
most  efficacious  and  rapid  means  of  arriving  at  the 
end  for  which  I  sent  him  to  you."  Miss  Walkin- 
shaw,  in  fact,  was  doubly  ineligible.  She  was 
a  Roman  Catholic,  and  on  that  count  Charles 
ultimately  affected  to  dismiss  her.  Her  sister 
Catherine  was  in  the  household  of  the  Prince 
of  Wales,  and  between  her  and  Charles's  mis- 
tress, for  all  that  Goring  and  the  rest  knew,  an 
understanding  might  exist  of  dangerous  conse- 
quence to  the  party.  Unfortunately  for  Clemen- 
tina, the  notorious  Pickle  commenced  his  polite 
career  as  high-born  spy  about  the  time  that  she 
joined  Charles.  Pickle  died  respectable  and  un- 
suspected. She,  one  supposes,  bore  some  of  the 
brunt  of  execration  which  the  mysterious  leakage 


158         THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

of  Jacobite  secrets  aroused.  Hence,  with  a  pre- 
monition of  disaster,  Goring  refused  to  obey 
Charles's  orders.  "  Believe  me,  Sir,"  he  wrote, 
"  such  commissions  are  for  the  worst  of  men,  and 
such  you  will  find  enough  for  money,  but  they 
will  likewise  betray  you  for  more."  "  If  any 
accident  should  happen  to  you  by  the  young 
lady's  means,"  he  went  on,  "I  shall  be  detested 
and  become  the  horrour  of  Mankind  ;  but  if  you 
are  determined  to  have  her,  let  Mr.  Sullivan  bring 
her  to  you  here,  or  any  where  himself."  Yet 
more  emphatically  Goring  wrote  again  :  "  I  will 
not  act  a  low  part  in  your  pleasures."  Rather 
would  he  break  with  Charles  altogether.  "  My 
desire  of  not  living  with  you,"  he  went  on,  "when 
accompanied  by  my  utter  dishonour,  is  not  what 
you  can  in  justice  condemn."  But  Charles,  mas- 
terful and  determined,  had  his  way.  Clementina 
joined  him  at  Ghent.  "  From  the  first  moment 
of  her  reunion  with  Charles,"  says  Saint-Simon, 
"  she  was  regarded  and  treated  as  his  wife,  bore 
his  name,  and  presided  over  his  household." 
Clementina's  brief  and  unhappy  reign  had  begun. 
At  about  the  same  time,  or  soon  after,  Charles's 
better  genius,  Mademoiselle  Ferrand,  died  (Octo- 
ber, 1752). 

In  the  autumn  of  1752  Charles  was  deep  in  the 
Elibank  plot  Alexander  Murray,  Lord  Elibank's 
brother,  was  its  author.  He  had  joined  Charles 


INTRIGUE  (1746—1766)  159 

in  the  summer  of  1751,  and  the  details  of  his 
scheme  had  been  slowly  maturing.  In  the 
autumn  of  1752  it  was  ripe  for  execution,  and 
November  10  was  the  date  agreed  upon.  Murray 
was  to  proceed  to  London,  raise  a  body  of 
desperadoes,  seize  the  Royal  family,  and  proclaim 
a  restoration.  Charles,  conveniently  at  hand,  like 
his  father  in  Esmond,  was  to  appear  opportunely. 
Young  Glengarry — Pickle — was  in  the  plot, 
corresponding  gaily  with  both  sides.  The 
Government  followed  every  step  of  it  by  his 
means.  On  November  2  he  sent  warning  of 
an  approaching  "hurly  Burly."  Early  in  De- 
cember he  gave  details  of  it,  and  news  of  its 
postponement.  Charles,  we  learn,  had  summoned 
Lochgarry  and  Dr.  Archibald  Cameron  to  meet 
him  in  September  at  Menin,  some  thirty  miles 
south-west  of  Ghent.  He  informed  them  of  the 
plot  and  despatched  them  to  Scotland  to  prepare 
the  clans,  who  were  to  await  Field  -  Marshal 
Keith's  arrival  with  Swedish  troops  before  resort- 
ing to  arms.  Murray,  meanwhile,  went  over  to 
London,  but,  as  Pickle  explained,  impartially 
distributing  his  information  between  London  and 
Rome,  "  when  matters  come  to  the  puish,  some 
frivolous  excuses  retarded  this  great  and  Glorious 
blow.  Thank  God" — he  is  writing  for  James's 
eye — "  the  Prince  did  not  venture  himself  then  at 
London,  tho  he  was  upon  the  Coast  ready  at  a 


160         THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

Call  to  put  himself  at  their  head."  Mr.  Lang 
hazards  an  interesting  suggestion,  that  Charles 
was  at  that  time  in  an  old  house  near  Godalming, 
now  a  Home  for  Incurables,  and  once  haunted 
by  the  Prince's  ghost.  But  Godalming,  if  Pickle 
may  be  taken  literally,  is  hardly  upon  the  coast. 
Fumes,  on  the  Netherland  coast,  where  Pickle 
met  him  soon  after  the  Menin  conference,  was 
probably  the  nearest  point  to  England  which 
Charles  reached  before  the  haphazard  bubble 
burst.  "We  will  see,"  Pickle  wrote  to  Edgar 
later  (April  5,  1753),  "if  the  month  of  May  or 
June  will  produce  something  more  effective  than 
Novr."  Nothing  more  effective  happened.  The 
plot  did  no  good  to  anybody,  and  it  brought 
Archibald  Cameron  to  his  doom.  He  was 
arrested  in  the  Highlands  in  March  and  executed 
in  June,  1753,  the  last  Jacobite  martyr.  He  died 
on  the  old  charge  of  '45,  but  Pickle  and  the 
Elibank  plot  brought  him  down. 

Charles  had  reached  the  limit  of  his  party's 
willingness  to  actively  support  him.  The  Elibank 
plot  was  the  last  fizzle  of  the  Jacobite  "  devil." 
Charles  wandered  from  place  to  place,  and  is 
traced  with  difficulty  in  1753.  In  January  he  was 
in  Paris,  very  low  in  funds.  Albemarle  thought 
he  had  detected  him  there,  in  spite  of  his  having 
"  painted  his  face  with  red,  and  coloured  his  eye- 
brows with  the  deepest  black."  Early  in  March 


INTRIGUE  (1746—1766)  161 

Pickle  saw  him  at  the  Opera  ball,  somewhat  to 
Pickle's  surprise,  who  imagined  that  Charles  had 
proceeded  from  Furnes  to  Berlin.  He  received 
Pickle  "very  kindly,  and  he  still  insisted  upon 
foreign  assistance,  and  the  great  assurances  he  had 
from  England,  and  that  he  expected  matters 
would  go  well  in  a  very  little  time."  Unhappy 
Charles !  Pickle's  information  was  straight- 
way converted  into  English  gold !  Archibald 
Cameron's  arrest  alarmed  Charles  considerably. 
From  Ghent,  presumably,  he  wrote  (April  13, 1753) 
to  the  Earl  Marischal  at  Paris  :  "  I  am  extremely 
unnesi  by  the  accident  that  has  hapened  to  a 
Certain  person,  you  Now  how  much  I  was  against 
people  in  that  Service " — he  suspected  some 
French  informer,  any  but  the  plausible  Pickle. 
"My  antipathi,  iff  possible,"  he  continued,  "in- 
creses  every  day,  which  makes  me  absolutely 
determined,  whatever  hapens,  never  to  aproch 
their  Country  [France],  or  have  to  do  with 
anibody  that  comes  with  them."  He  was  on 
the  point  of  leaving  Ghent,  he  added,  but 
would  await  the  Earl's  advice.  Meanwhile  he 
suggested  Basel  in  Switzerland— he  could  reach  it 
by  way  of  Frankfort-on-the-Main — or  even  Hun- 
gary. The  Earl  answered,  and  Charles  understood 
him  to  recommend  Cologne.  Thither  he  went. 
On  May  8  Goring  wrote  from  Paris  to  warn  him. 
Marischal  had  been  "falsely  represented"  or 
U 


162         THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

"not  rightly  understood."  Cologne  was  too 
dangerous,  as  it  would  be  easy  "  for  five  or  six 
men  to  seise  your  person  and  put  you  in  a  boat, 
and  Carry  you  to  Holland,  who  have  territories 
but  one  quarter  of  an  hour  distant  from  ye  town." 
Charles  obeyed  Goring's  hint.  He  transferred  him- 
self to  Coblentz,  and  thence  to  Frankfort-on-the- 
Main.  In  July  he  was  at  Liege,  and  took  a  house 
there.  He  was  now  "a  sedentary  man,  ye  gazettes 
is  en  amusement  to  me,"  he  told  Dormer,  and 
asked  for  newspapers.  Later  he  ordered  Wood 
and  Dawkins's  Ruins  of  Palmyra.  On  August  12 
he  desired  Pickle  to  come  to  him,  and  met  him 
soon  after  at  Ternan.  Their  business  was  the 
report  which  Lochgarry,  lately  returned  from 
Scotland,  had  brought  of  the  Highlanders. 
Charles  also  had  received  a  proposal  from 
England  for  securing  a  friendly  Parliament  by 
lavish  bribery.  Pickle  duly  forwarded  the  in- 
formation to  his  employers.  He  learnt  also  of 
Charles's  precarious  existence  for  the  last  few 
months.  Charles  complained  that  "  he  had  been 
of  late  hunted  from  place  to  place  all  over 
Flanders  by  a  Jew  sent  out  of  England  to  watch 
him."  He  told  Pickle  that  he  had  been  "a 
Rambling  from  one  place  to  another  about 
Flanders,  generally  from  near  Brussells  towards 
Sens,  and  on  the  Borders  of  France  towards  Air, 
except  some  small  excursions  he  made ;  once  he 


INTRIGUE  (1746—1766)  163 

went  to  Hamburgh."  Miss  Walkinshaw  was 
meanwhile  at  Paris,  expecting  her  confinement. 
Charles  proposed  to  join  her,  and  invited  Pickle 
to  accompany  him.  Together  they  went,  Charles 
disguised  as  a  Capuchin.  At  Paris  Charles  went 
at  once  to  "  a  Bagnio— Pickle  thinks  it  is  call'd 
Gaius'  Bagno  " — and  thence  to  John  Graeme's 
house,  so  Pickle  believed ;  he  followed  his  prey 
no  further.  Soon  after,  Charles's  daughter 
Charlotte,  "  the  bonny  lass  o'  Albany,"  was  born. 
On  October  29,  1753,  she  was  baptized  at  Liege. 
The  feeling  that  he  was  spied  upon,  and  the 
generally  hopeless  state  of  his  affairs,  dragged 
Charles  lower  and  lower.  Within  a  month  after 
his  child's  baptism  he  had  quarrelled  with 
Clementina.  A  fierce  note  from  Charles  to  Goring 
on  November  12  told  him:  "My  mistress  has 
behaved  so  unworthily  that  she  has  put  me  out  of 
patience,  and  as  she  is  a  Papist  too,  I  discard  her 
also."  He  had  ordered  "Daniel  "  to  conduct  her 
to  Paris.  A  mistress  and  young  child  were 
embarrassing  impedimenta  to  one  hunted  from 
pillar  to  post.  A  very  singular  note,  "  A  marque 
to  be  put  on  ye  Child  iff  i  part  with  it,"  suggests 
that  Charles  was  thinking  of  breaking  loose 
entirely  from  domestic  ties.  He  was,  as  usual, 
hard  pressed  for  money.  His  treasures  at 
Luneville  helped  to  raise  the  wind,  and  Charles 
was  even  reported  to  have  been  seen  selling  his 
11—2 


164         THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

pistols  in  Paris !  The  single  gleam  of  light 
came  from  Berlin,  where  Frederick  was  nibbling 
cautiously  at  the  Jacobite  bait. 

Throughout  the  year  1754  the  glimpses  ot 
Charles  become  increasingly  rare.  He  was  in 
his  thirty-fourth  year,  and  already  despair  held 
him  securely  in  its  clutches.  He  was  a  martyr  to 
"  spleen,"  as  he  writes.  He  was  quarrelling  with 
his  mistress,  and  with  his  adherents  for  not  discard- 
ing her.  Goring  left  him,  and  the  Earl  Marischal 
cast  him  off.  Guided  by  Pickle,  the  English 
Government  was  at  length  upon  his  track.  On 
January  4,  1754,  Dormer  warned  him  that  he  was 
being  sought  for  in  Liege,  and  Charles  transferred 
himself,  with  Clementina  and  their  child,  now  to 
Lorraine,  now  to  Paris,  and  at  length  to  Switzer- 
land. He  was  not  many  days  distant  from  Paris 
during  the  progress  of  an  unhappy  correspondence 
with  Goring.  On  January  13,  1754,  Goring 
wrote  a  blunt  criticism  of  Charles's  conduct  : 
"  Sir,  your  friend's  Mistress  [Clementina]  is  loudly 
and  publickly  talked  off,  and  all  friends  look  on  it 
as  a  very  dangerous  and  imprudent  step,  and  con- 
clude reasonably  that  no  Correspondance  is  to  be 
had  in  that  quarter  without  risk  of  discovery,  for  we 
have  no  opinion  in  England  of  female  politicians, 
or  of  such  women's  secrecy  in  general.  You  are 
yourself  much  blamed  for  not  informing  our  friends 
at  first,  that  they  might  take  the  alarum,  and 


INTRIGUE  (1746-1766)  165 

stop  any  present  or  future  transactions  with  such 
a  person."  He  touches  another  sore:  "I  have 
one  thing  more  to  lay  before  you  of  greatest 
Consequence  :  you  order  all  your  Catholick 
Servants  to  be  discarded ;  consider,  Sir,  the 
thing  well  on  both  sides  ;  first  the  good  that  it 
will  produce  on  the  one  side,  and  the  ill  it  may 
produce  on  the  other  ;  it  may  indeed  please  some 
few  biggotted  protestants,  for  all  religions  have 
their  biggots,  but  may  it  not  disgust  the  great 
number  of  ye  people,  to  see  you  discard  faithfull 
men,  for  some  of  them  went  through  all  dangers 
with  you  in  Scotland,  upon  account  of  their 
religion,  without  the  least  provision  made  for 
them.  Your  saying,  Sir,  that  necessity  obliges 
you  to  do  it,  will  look  a  little  strange  to  those 
people  who  send  you  money,  and  know  how  far 
you  can  do  good  with  it.  I  assure  you,  Sir,  if  you 
did  necessary  acts  of  Generosity  now  and  then, 
that  people  may  see  plainly  that  you  have  a  real 
tenderness  for  those  that  suffer  for  you,  you  would 
be  the  richer  for  it."  He  asked  to  be  relieved  of  his 
service.  Charles  replied  temperately  on  January  1 8, 
and  promised  not  to  discard  any  of  his  servants, 
"  that  is  to  say,  for  ye  present."  On  February  26 
Goring  returned  to  the  charge,  and  raised  the 
complaint  of  Lord  Elcho  in  the  '45.  His  party, 
Goring  now  told  Charles,  desired  "  a  Prince  who 
will  take  advice,  and  rule  according  to  law,  and 


1 66         THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

not  one  that  thinks  his  will  is  sufficient."  Charles 
replied  on  March  6,  hinting  that  "my  friend 
[himself]  has  lost  all  patience."  He  took  himself 
to  Lorraine,  and  by  April  14  was  in  Paris.  He 
endeavoured  to  enlist  the  Earl  Marischal's  sym- 
pathy, but  the  Earl  had  lost  faith  in  him.  He,  like 
Goring,  rebuked  Charles  for  maintaining  his  liaison 
with  Miss  Walkinshaw.  He  even  accused  him  of 
threatening  to  advertize  the  names  of  his  English 
adherents.  Charles  answered  hotly,  it  was  "  a 
damned  lie."  But  the  Earl  had  done  with  him, 
and  in  June  returned  to  Berlin.  Goring  went 
with  him.  Charles,  on  coming  to  Paris,  had 
verbally  dismissed  him  on  the  plea  that  Goring 
had  revealed  his  retreat — another  victim  of  the 
estimable  Pickle.  On  May  5,  in  a  dignified 
letter,  Goring  repelled  the  base  charge,  and 
refused  to  serve  an  ungrateful  master  any  longer. 
Charles  replied  on  May  10  in  an  hysterical  outburst 
which  betrays  his  excited  mental  condition.  "  For 
my  part,"  he  wrote,  "  I  am  true  English,  and  want 
of  no  Equivocations,  or  Mental  resarvations :  will 
you  serve  me  or  not  ?  will  you  obey  me  ?  have 
you  any  other  Interest  ?  Say  yes  or  no,  I  shall 
be  yr  friend  iff  you  will  serve  me.  If  you  have 
anybody  preferable  to  me  to  serve,  Let  me  alone ; 
have  you  ye  Interest  of  yr  Contre  at  hart,  or  a 
particular  one,  for  my  part  I  have  but  one  God 
and  one  Country,  and  Untill  I  compas  ye  prosperity 


INTRIGUE  (1746—1766)  167 

of  my  Poor  Cuntry  shall  never  be  at  rest,  or  Let 
any  Stone  unturned  to  compas  my  Ends."  Goring 
refused  to  serve  him.  He  had  twice,  he  wrote 
on  May  16,  "been  turned  off  like  a  Common 
footman,  with  most  opprobrious  language,  without 
money  or  cloaths."  The  rest  of  his  life  he  would 
spend  "  in  serving  God  and  wishing  you  all  pros- 
perity." Poor  man  !  he  had  little  time  for  either. 
Under  Marischal's  influence  he  entered  the  Prus- 
sian service,  and  shortly  after  died. 

The  year  1755  found  Europe  once  more  arming 
for  war.  But  Charles,  by  his  conduct  since  1746, 
had  put  it  beyond  the  power  of  France  or  any 
other  Court  to  regard  him  and  his  cause  seriously. 
He  had  driven  his  friends,  like  Jehu  his  chariot, 
furiously.  With  his  staunchest  supporters  and  the 
most  reputable  he  had  quarrelled.  Save  for  a  few 
stalwarts  he  remained  alone  in  his  belief  in  his 
cause.  But  isolated  as  he  was,  he  was  as  ready  as 
in  1746  to  press  himself  upon  diplomatists,  and  to 
clamour  for  the  military  support  which  then  had 
been  denied  him.  The  fact  proclaims  his  spirit 
and  his  lack  of  political  judgment  alike.  Since 
Goring  and  the  Earl  Marischal  forsook  him 
Charles  had  been  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Basel. 
A  letter  from  the  English  envoy  at  Berne,  on 
May  28,  1756,  revealed  his  retreat.  He  had  been 
living  "  under  the  name  of  Thompson,  as  a  private 
English  gentleman,  retired  thither  with  his  family, 


168          THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

which  consisted  of  a  lady,  who  passed  for  his  wife, 
and  went  under  the  same  name,  and  by  her  he 
has  a  daughter,  an  elderly  gentleman  in  the  figure 
of  a  near  relation,  who  is  charged  with  a  kind  of 
inspecting  over  his  conduct,  and  two  other  atten- 
dants, who,  though  men  of  birth,  appear  in  public 
in  no  better  light  than  that  of  ordinary  servants." 
A  slender  retinue!  In  April,  1755,  Pickle  gave 
news  of  him  in  France.  Charles  was  provided 
with  so  many  disguises,  said  that  worthy,  "  that  he 
has  hitherto  escaped  unobserved  ;  sometimes  he 
wears  a  long  false  nose,  which  they  call  '  Nez  a  la 
Saxe,'  because  Marshal  Saxe  used  to  give  such  to 
his  Spies  whom  he  employed.  At  other  times  he 
blackens  his  eye  brows  and  beard,  and  wears  a 
black  wig,  by  which  alteration  his  most  intimate 
Acquaintance  could  scarce  know  him."  His  old 
flame  Madame  d'Aiguillon's  servants  recognised 
him,  however,  when  he  presented  himself,  "  an 
ill-dressed  stranger,"  at  her  door.  By  April  23  he 
had  made  proposals  to  the  French  Court.  They 
were  neglected  or  declined.  From  his  father  he 
got  little  comfort  in  his  new  disappointment. 
James  wrote  to  him  on  May  20,  and  told  him  that 
he  himself  was  his  greatest  enemy.  Charles  had 
to  listen  to  home-truths  from  another  quarter. 
In  August,  Cluny  Macpherson,  whom  Charles  had 
summoned  in  September,  1754,  to  bring  him  "  all 
the  effects  whatsoever  that  I  left  in  your  hands, 


INTRIGUE  (1746—1766)  169 

also  whatever  money  you  can  come  at,"  joined 
the  ranks  of  Charles's  candid  friends.  James 
Dawkins,  the  joint  author  of  the  Ruitu  oj 
Palmyra,  had  already  described  Charles  as  "en- 
tirely abandoned  to  an  irregular,  debauched  life, 
even  to  excess,  which  brought  his  health,  and  even 
his  life,  daily  in  danger."  Cluny  and  his  con- 
stituents, therefore,  begged  Charles  to  reform,  and 
to  rid  himself  of  Clementina.  Charles  had  ever 
been  impatient  of  counsel,  still  more  of  dictation. 
"Conscious  of  my  conduct,"  he  answered  the 
memorialists,  "  I  despise  their  low  malice."  "  He 
would  not  put  away  a  cat  to  please  such  fellows  " 
was  his  attitude  if  not  his  phrase,  as  Lord  Clan- 
carty  reports  it.  So  the  offerings  of  the  faithful 
came  in  scantily,  and  Cluny  had  brought  nothing 
from  the  much  pilfered  Loch  Arkaig  hoard.  Even 
Charles's  modest  menage  at  Basel  was  beyond  his 
means.  In  December  he  was  dismissing  his 
servants.  Sir  Horace  Mann  set  spies  to  watch 
their  movements.  "  They  were  five  in  number, 
and  all  Scotch,"  he  reported  on  December  20, 
1755.  "The  names  of  three  were  Stuart,  Mac- 
donnel,  and  Mackenzy.  They  were  dressed  alike 
in  the  Pretender's  livery,  and  said  they  had  been 
with  his  Son  in  Scotland,  upon  which  the  people  I 
employed  asked  where  he  was.  They  answered 
only,  that  they  were  going  to  Avignon,  and  should 
soon  know,  and  in  their  merriment  drank  'the 


170         THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

health  of  the  Boy  that  is  lost  and  cannot  be 
found.'  "  Their  native  canniness  was  with  them 
in  their  exile.  Charles,  in  fact,  was  in  such  straits 
for  money  that  on  July  1,  1756,  he  pocketed  his 
pride  and  begged  Louis  XV.  to  help  him.  "  If  I 
knew  a  Prince  more  virtuous  than  you,  to  him  I 
would  appeal,"  he  wrote.  Later  he  made  over- 
tures to  Madame  La  Pompadour,  with  whom  he 
had  quarrelled  in  the  old  days. 

Throughout  the  early  years  of  the  Seven  Years' 
War,  when  disaster  upon  disaster  befell  England, 
Charles  refused  to  abandon  the  hope  that  his 
long-withheld  opportunity  would  come  to  him. 
In  1757  Frederick  believed  that  France  intended 
to  employ  him  in  Ireland.  It  is  asserted  that  he 
had  been  offered  the  leadership  of  the  attack  upon 
Minorca  in  1756,  but  had  declined  it  brusquely, 
declaring  that  he  would  not  be  made  use  of  as  a 
mere  epouvantail.  He  refused,  in  fact,  to  take 
part  in  any  expedition  which  had  not  London  as 
its  objective.  Certainly  he  was  unreasonable, 
but  France  had  never  treated  him  in  a  manner 
to  inspire  much  confidence,  and  he  declined  tirer 
les  marrons.  In  1759,  that  annus  mirabilis  for 
England,  Charles  watched  his  opportunity  from 
the  home  of  his  cousin,  the  Due  de  Bouillon.  But 
Hawke's  defeat  of  Conflans  in  Quiberon  Bay  in 
November  rang  the  knell  of  his  last  hope.  He 
was,  one  can  imagine,  not  a  pleasant  companion. 


INTRIGUE  (1746—1766)  171 

In   1760  Clementina  Walkinshaw  fled  from  him 
with    their    child.     "You    pushed    me    to    the 
greatest  extremity,"  she  excused  herself  to  him, 
"  and  even  despair,  as  I  was  always  in  perpetual 
dread  of  my  life  from  your  violent  passions."     She 
added  :  "  It  is  reported  that  you  are  not  yourself, 
that    your    head    is    quite    gone."      She    hinted 
little  more  than  the  truth.     Towards  Clementina 
his  wrath  burnt  fiercely.     The  child  he  mourned 
deeply.     "  I  shall  be  in  ye  greatest  affliction  untill 
I  guett  back  ye  child,  which  was  my  only  comfort 
in  my  misfortunes,"  he  told  Gordon,  the  physician. 
Charles    made    feverish    endeavours    to    recover 
them.     His  servant  tracked  them  to  their  lodging 
in    Paris.     Clementina  "seemed  much  surprazed 
at  seeing  me,"  he  told  his  master  (July  31,  1760). 
"  I  reesoned  the  matter  with  her,  but  all  to  no 
purpose.     She   told   me   that   she   would  sooner 
make  away  with  herself  than  go  back,  and  as  for 
the   Chylde,    she  would   be  cut  to  pieces  sooner 
than  give  her  up."     Charles  appealed  to  Louis, 
but  in  vain,  and  the  unhappy  woman  and  her  child 
found  refuge  and  peace  in  the  Abbey  of  Notre 
Dame  at  Meaux.     A  solitary  man,  Charles  hurried 
along  his  downward  path.     "  I  hear,"  one  writes 
in  June,  1761,  "that  the  Pretender's  eldest  son  is 
drunk  as  soon  as  he  rises,  and  is  always  senselessly 
so  at  night,  when  his  servants  carry  him  to  bed." 
He  remained  moodily  at  Bouillon.      His  father 


172          THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

was  slowly  dying,  and  in  December,  1764,  his 
brother  Henry  wrote  to  him  to  invite  a  reconcilia- 
tion, with  little  effect.  Henry  looked  to  the 
future.  He  wished  Charles  to  be  at  Rome  in  his 
own  interests  when  James's  end  came.  But  Charles 
would  not  go  to  Rome.  He  had  sworn  an  oath, 
and  kept  to  it  doggedly.  "  After  all  I  have  said 
and  done,"  writes  the  Cardinal  sadly  on  Sep- 
tember 20,  1765,  "  I  quite  despair  of  everything  ; 
my  only  comfort  is  the  consciousness  of  my  having 
omitted  nothing  either  to  convince  or  persuade 
the  Baron  [Charles]  to  do  what  is  for  his  true 
interest." 

On  January  1, 1766,  James  died  at  Rome.  For 
many  years  he  had  been  in  but  indifferent  health. 
So  early  as  April  24,  1756,  Mann  had  reported  to 
his  Government :  "  The  Pope  has  lately  granted  a 
privilege  to  the  Pretender  of  an  uncommon 
nature  in  the  Roman  Church,  though  very  trifling 
in  itself,  to  drink  either  broth  or  chocolate  before 
he  communicates,  on  account  of  his  habitual 
indisposition  of  stomach,  which  prevents  him 
from  fasting  so  long  as  their  Church  prescribes 
before  that  ceremony.  The  Pope  has  wrote  what 
is  called  a  Decretal  Letter  on  this  subject,  in 
which,  among  other  examples,  he  quotes  that  of 
Pope  Julius  III.,  who  granted  the  same  privilege 
to  Charles  V.  after  his  abdication. "  On  January  20, 
1759,  Mann  wrote  again:  "By  the  last  accounts 


INTRIGUE  (1746—1766)  173 

from  Rome  I  have  been  informed  that  the  Pretender 
continues  in  the  same  weak  state  of  health  that  I 
have  often  mentioned,  that  he  has  frequent  faint- 
ing fits,  proceeding  from  violent  pains  in  his 
stomach.  He  sees  very  few  people  and  speaks 
little,  and  upon  the  whole  is  looked  upon  to  be  in 
very  great  decay."  In  March,  1763,  James  was 
said  to  be  "  so  weak  that  he  never  stirs  out  of  his 
room."  On  November  9,  1765,  Mann  thought  it 
"  improbable  that  he  can  hold  out  long."  James 
had  lived  true  to  his  promise  to  his  father.  It 
had  been  said  of  James  II.  that  he  "risked" 
much  on  account  of  his  religion.  It  may  be  said 
of  his  son  that  he  had  risked  little  because  of  it. 
In  the  heyday  of  his  youth,  it  is  true,  he  had 
dabbled  in  Simon  Eraser's  plot.  In  1708  he  had 
even  sailed  to  Scotland,  a  hopeful  adventurer.  In 
1715  he  had  made  a  depressing  leader  of  an 
attempt  already  lost.  But  since  then  he  had  long 
played  Henry  VI.  to  his  son's  strenuous  Queen 
Margaret.  A  peaceful  restoration  was  the  limit 
of  his  hopes,  an  impossible  Utopia,  as,  perhaps, 
he  knew.  His  burying  befitted  his  titular 
majesty.  With  the  crown  of  England  on  his 
head,  the  sceptre  in  his  hand,  the  arms  of  Great 
Britain  in  gold  and  gems  upon  his  breast,  he  was 
carried  to  the  Church  of  the  Apostles.  Cardinals 
bore  his  pall.  A  thousand  wax  tapers  flickered 
before  him.  There  his  body  rested,  the  inscrip- 


174         THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

tion,  JACOBUS,  MAGN^E  BRITANNIA  REX,  ANNO 
MDCCLXVI.  above  him.  For  three  days  he  lay  in 
state,  and  then  passed  to  his  last  resting-place  in 
St.  Peter's. 

On  December  30,  1765,  a  few  hours  before  his 
father's  death,  Charles  left  Paris  to  claim  his  new 
inheritance.  Near  Bologna  his  coach  overturned, 
but  without  doing  him  damage.  On  January  23, 
1766,  Lumisden  met  him  as  he  sped  Romeward, 
and  found  him  in  "  perfect  health,"  but  with  "  legs 
and  feet  considerably  swelled  by  the  fatigue  of 
the  journey."  From  his  brother  he  received  the 
utmost  generosity  after  his  many  years  of  neglect. 
By  their  father's  will  James's  savings — £250,000 
Mann  reported  sceptically — were  Henry's.  He 
resigned  them  to  the  new  King,  and  with  them 
his  own  pension  of  20,000  crowns  from  the  Pope. 
But  his  efforts  failed  to  obtain  for  Charles  the  Holy 
See's  recognition  of  him  as  King.  The  Cardinal 
had  sought  an  interview  with  the  Pope  immediately 
after  James's  death,  and  the  French  Ambassador  at 
Rome  had  (unofficially,  it  was  declared  at  Paris) 
supported  the  Cardinal's  request.  But  the  English 
Government  had  already  sounded  the  European 
Courts.  Vienna  was  friendly,  and  France,  after  a 
strong  protest  from  England,  foreswore  her  agent 
at  Rome.  On  January  13,  1766,  the  College  of 
Cardinals  met,  and  resolved  "  that  the  Pope  could 
not  per  ora  grant  what  was  demanded,"  so  Mann 


INTRIGUE  (1746—1766)  175 

reported.  A  few  months  later  he  writes  of  a 
drunken  brawl  in  which  Charles,  sword  in  hand, 
had  pursued  some  of  his  household  to  the  danger 
of  their  lives — Ccelnm  non  animiim  mutant  ! 


CHAPTER  VI 

THE    KING  (1766—1788) 

The  Decay  of  Jacobitism — Charles's  Amusements  at  Rome 
— His  abiding  Resentment  against  Clementina  Walk- 
inshaw — Lord  Elcho  duns  Him  for  Money — Charles 
relapses — Visits  the  Pope,  1767 — Dismisses  Andrew 
Lumisden  and  Hay  of  Restalrig — Marriage  Projects 
— Charles  at  Florence,  1770 — In  Paris,  1771 — Louise 
of  Stolberg — Charles  marries  Her,  1772 — Charlotte's 
Letter — Charles  refuses  Help — Charlotte  and  Clemen- 
tina at  Rome,  1773 — They  are  ordered  to  leave  the 
City — Charles's  Churlish  Conduct  towards  Them — 
Charles  at  Siena — His  Mythical  Son,  James  Allen — 
Charles  settles  at  Florence,  1774 — His  Relations  with 
Louise — Vittorio  Alfieri  appears,  1777 — Louise  takes 
Refuge  in  a  Convent,  1780— Alfieri  and  Charles — 
Louise  at  Rome — Alfieri  follows — Charles's  Protest, 
1782 — His  Illness,  1783 — Gustavus  of  Sweden  at 
Florence,  1783 — Deed  of  Separation  between  Charles 
and  Louise,  1784 — She  joins  Alfieri — Charles  summons 
his  Daughter  Charlotte  to  join  Him — He  returns  to 
Rome,  1785— His  Death,  1788,  and  Will— Death  of 
Charlotte,  1789 — Death  of  Henry,  1807 — Charles 
and  Charles  XII.  of  Sweden. 


THE  KING  (1766— 1788)  177 

WHEN  Charles  came  "home"  to  Italy  in 
1766  Jacobitism,  once  strenuous  and 
daring,  was  dying.  To  that  result  Charles  him- 
self had  largely  contributed,  but  not  entirely. 
George  III.  was  young,  popular,  and,  above  all, 
English.  His  House  had  lived  down  its  unpopu- 
larity, and  under  Pitt  had  carried  England's 
fortunes  to  heights  undreamed  of.  Scotland  had 
conquered  her  prejudices.  The  once  detested 
Union  had  proved  no  unsatisfactory  bargain,  and 
the  quick-witted  Scot  had  not  failed  to  remark 
that  the  absence  of  his  rulers  was  amply  compen- 
sated by  increased  prosperity.  The  Highlands 
also,  which  for  centuries  had  maintained  an  ex- 
clusive and  isolated  Celtic  society,  at  length  were 
submissive  to  those  influences  which  Teutonism 
had  exerted  centuries  before  in  the  Lowlands, 
and  with  the  like  effect.  Their  glens  and  valleys 
sent  their  youth  to  fight  for  King  George  as 
cheerfully  as  ever  their  fathers  had  fought  against 
him.  Within  a  generation  of  the  '45,  says  Scott, 
the  Jacobites  had  come  to  be  looked  upon  as  "  men 
who  had  proved  their  sincerity  by  sacrificing  their 
interest  to  their  principles."  They  lingered  as  a 
survival,  a  generation  rapidly  decaying,  whose 
allegiance  to  King  Charles  it  would  have  been 
folly  to  resent.  "Such,  for  example,"  says  Sir 
Walter  in  Redgauntlet,  "was  a  gentleman  of 
fortune  in  Perthshire,  who,  in  having  the  news- 
12 


178         THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

papers  read  to  him,  caused  the  King  and  Queen 
to  be  designated  by  the  initial  letters  K  and  Q, 
as  if,  by  naming  the  full  word,  he  might  imply 
an  acquiescence  in  the  usurpation  of  the  family  of 
Hanover.  George  III.,  having  heard  of  this  gentle- 
man's custom  in  the  above  and  other  particulars, 
commissioned  the  member  for  Perthshire  to  carry 
his  compliments  to  the  steady  Jacobite — '  That  is/ 
said  the  excellent  old  King, '  not  the  compliments 
of  the  King  of  England,  but  those  of  the  Elector 
of  Hanover,  and  tell  him  how  much  I  respect  him 
for  the  steadiness  of  his  principles.'  "  Jacobitism, 
in  fact,  was  no  longer  a  menace,  but  a  thing  pour 
rire.  After  Charles's  death  England's  bounty 
supported  his  brother,  when  the  cataclysm  of  the 
French  Revolution  involved  him  in  the  universal 
ruin.  George  IV.,  then  Prince  Regent,  who  gave 
the  monument  which  stands  to  their  memory  in 
St.  Peter's  at  Rome,  wrote  up  thereon  the  usurp- 
ing titles  of  James  III.  and  his  two  sons. 
Stuartism,  in  fact,  was  dead  long  before.  It  had 
outlived  its  own  time,  a  curious  projection  of  the 
seventeenth  into  the  nineteenth  century.  George 
could  afford  to  be  magnanimous. 

Charles  was  in  his  forty-sixth  year  when  he 
succeeded  to  his  titular  dignity.  He  was  prob- 
ably too  old  to  reform,  yet  one  wonders  how  far 
an  open  recognition  of  his  claim  by  the  Holy  See 
would  have  restored  to  him  some  glimmering 


CHAKLES    111 


THE  KING  (1766—1788)  179 

sense  of  dignity  and  decency.  But  the  attitude 
of  the  Pope  continued  as  it  had  commenced, 
diplomatically  correct.  The  Royal  Arms  of  Eng- 
land, which  James  III.  had  placed  upon  his 
palace,  were  removed.  The  Cardinals  were  in- 
structed not  to  attend  Charles's  xaloti,  and  certain 
dignitaries  who  had  paid  their  respects  to  him 
were  reprimanded  or  dismissed  from  Rome. 
Charles  felt,  or  affected  to  feel,  complete  in- 
difference to  the  studied  official  neglect  with 
which  he  was  treated.  He  had  been  a  fugitive 
for  twenty  years,  hunted  from  place  to  place  by 
black  Jews  and  other  obnoxious  agents.  Liberty 
was  very  pleasant  to  him,  and  he  enjoyed  himself 
in  his  own  way.  He  had  always  been  a  sports- 
man, and  in  his  youth  a  good  shot.  He  now 
indulged  frequently  in  his  favourite  pastime. 
Music  also  he  had  always  been  fond  of.  He 
went  to  concerts,  and  was  constant  in  his  attend- 
ance at  the  Opera.  He  even  endeavoured  to 
master  the  intricacies  of  that  most  difficult  instru- 
ment, the  French  horn.  Later  he  soared  to  the 
bagpipes.  He  took  frequent  drives  in  and  around 
Rome,  and,  though  somewhat  aloof  from  it,  joined 
in  the  social  life  of  the  city.  The  novelty  of  his 
new  life  braced  him  for  a  time,  and  he  turned 
the  lock  upon  his  disreputable  habits.  He  even 
wrote  (April  1 5, 1 766)  a  graceful  expression  of  his 
"  tendre  amitie"  to  Madame  de  Talmond,  now 
12—2 


i8o          THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

old  and  devout.  With  his  brother  he  continued 
to  be  on  affectionate  terms ;  his  old  grievances 
against  him  were  forgotten.  But  against  the  hap- 
less Clementina  Walkinshaw  his  wrath  kindled. 
She  and  her  daughter,  now  aged  thirteen, 
were  still  under  the  shelter  of  Notre  Dame  at 
Meaux.  On  July  14,  1766,  Lumisden  wrote 
to  her,  probably  in  answer  to  some  inquiry  on 
her  part :  "  No  one  knows  the  King's  temper 
better  than  you  do."  Poor  woman  !  "  He  has 
never,  so  far  as  I  can  discover,  mentioned  your 
name.  Nor  do  I  believe  that  he  either  knows 
where  you  are,  nor  how  you  are  maintained.  His 
passion  must  still  greatly  cool  before  any  appli- 
cation can  be  made  to  him  in  your  behalf." 
In  February,  1767,  a  rumour  gained  some  credit, 
that  Clementina  was  legally  married  to  Charles. 
The  statement  touched  the  Cardinal  nearly,  as 
Charles's  next  of  kin.  At  his  direction  Clemen- 
tina was  communicated  with,  and  made  a  formal 
declaration  that  no  marriage  had  taken  place. 
Charles  did  not  trouble  himself  to  consider  how 
his  late  mistress  and  their  child  lived.  The 
Cardinal  was  their  almoner.  Charles,  in  fact, 
was  lamentably  neglectful  of  obligations  to  which 
honour  should  have  bound  him.  Lord  Elcho  had 
lent  him  £1,500  years  before,  when  Charles  was 
at  Edinburgh  in  1745.  He  arrived  in  Rome 
towards  the  close  of  1 766  to  press  for  the  repay- 


THE  KING  (1766-1788)  ,81 

ment  of  the  loan.  Elcho  employed  one  of  the 
Cardinals  to  make  his  application,  for  he  himself 
was  hardly  a  persona  grata  to  the  new  Kin-. 
Charles  admitted  the  debt,  but  refused  payment 
until  he  succeeded  to  the  throne.  The  money 
had  probably  been  advanced  upon  that  condition, 
but  its  fulfilment  was  even  more  remote  in  1766 
than  in  1745.  Elcho  turned  to  Cardinal  York  for 
satisfaction,  but  got  none.  Yet  Charles,  if  not 
wealthy,  was  sufficiently  well  off.  His  father's 
savings  were  his,  and  his  income  was  adequate  to 
his  needs.  Dr.  King  accuses  him  of  miserliness, 
and  there  is  nothing  in  Charles's  conduct  after 
1766  to  disprove  the  accusation. 

As  the  novelty  of  his  new  life  wore  off,  Charles 
relapsed  gradually,  and  soon  shamelessly,  into  his 
old  habits.  So  early  as  February,  1 766,  one  of  his 
adherents  wrote  regretfully  that  the  party  des- 
paired of  assisting  a  Prince  so  openly  and  palpably 
degraded.  His  brother  the  Cardinal  was  soon 
writing  despairingly  of  "the  nasty  bottle,  that 
goes  on  but  too  much,  and  certainly  must  at  last 
kill  him."  "I  have  very  little  to  say,"  he  writes 
in  another  letter,  "  except  to  deplore  the  continu- 
ance of  the  bottle  ;  that,  I  own  to  you,  makes  me 
despair  of  everything,  and  I  am  of  opinion  that  it 
is  impossible  for  my  brother  to  live  if  he  continues 
in  this  strain.  ...  I  am  seriously  afflicted  on  his 
account  when  I  reflect  on  the  dismal  situation  he 


1 82         THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

puts  himself  under,  which  is  a  thousand  times 
worse  than  the  situation  his  enemies  have  en- 
deavoured to  place  him  [in],  but  there  is  no 
remedy  except  a  miracle,  which  may  be  kept  at 
last  for  his  eternal  salvation,  but  surely  nothing 
else."  "The  Pretender,"  writes  one  who  saw 
him  at  this  time,  "  is  naturally  above  the  middle 
size,  but  stoops  excessively  ;  he  appears  bloated 
and  red  in  the  face,  his  countenance  heavy  and 
sleepy,  which  is  attributed  to  his  having  given  in  to 
excess  of  drinking."  The  same  person  met  him 
in  one  of  the  Roman  salons.  "  At  Princess  Pales- 
trina's  he  asked  me  if  I  understood  the  game  of 
Tarrochi,  which  they  were  about  to  play  at.  I 
answered  in  the  negative  ;  upon  which,  taking 
the  pack  in  his  hands,  he  desired  to  know  if  I 
had  ever  seen  such  odd  cards.  I  replied  that 
they  were  very  odd  indeed.  He  then,  dis- 
playing them,  said,  '  There  is  everything  in  the 
world  to  be  found  in  these  cards — the  sun,  the 
moon,  the  stars ;  and  here,'  says  he,  throwing  me 
a  card,  '  is  the  Pope  ;  here  is  the  devil ;  and,' 
added  he,  '  there  is  but  one  of  the  trio  wanting, 
and  you  know  who  that  should  be  !' "  Another 
visitor  found  him  "  rather  handsome,"  but  "  his 
face  ruddy  and  full  of  pimples."  To  this  observer 
he  appeared  to  be  "  absorbed  in  melancholy 
thoughts,  a  good  deal  of  distraction  in  his  con- 
versation, and  frequent  brown  studies."  Charles 


THE  KING  (1766—1788)  ,83 

confessed    that   "  time    lay   heavy   upon    him." 
Time,  indeed,  dragged  heavily  to  one  who  once 
had  been  lauded  as  everso  misstis  siicmirrcre  sceclo. 
That  was  twenty  years  ago,  and  now,  as  he  told 
his  brother,  his  was  a  "  situation  that  cannot  be 
amused  with  quails,  or  any  diversion  whatsoever." 
The  Cardinal,  at  length,  induced  him  to  see  the 
Pope.     The  interview  took  place  in  May,  1767. 
Satisfactory   assurances   were   officially   given   to 
England  that  the  visit  was  of  a  private  character. 
Cardinal    Albani    told    Sir    Horace    Mann    that 
Charles  wotdd  be  "  received  without  the  slightest 
ceremony,  and  will  have  to  make  his  appearance 
in  plain  dress."     The  visit  passed  off  successfully. 
"  God   be   praised,"    wrote   Henry   on   May  12, 
"  last    Saturday    evening,   after   a   good    deal   of 
battleing    upon    very    trifling    circumstances,     I 
carried   my  brother  to  the   Pope's    privately,  as 
a  private  nobleman,  by  which  means  he  certainly 
has  derogated   nothing  of  his  just   pretensions, 
and  has  at  the  same  time  fulfilled  with  an  indis- 
pensable duty  owing  to  the  Head  of  the  Church." 
Henry  had  been  somewhat  anxious.     "  The  visit 
went  much  better  than  I  expected,"  he  continued. 
"  The  Pope  was  extremely  well  satisfied,  and  my 
brother  seemed  well  enough  content,  though  I 
asked  him  very  few  questions,  and  so  I  hope  to 
draw  from  it  a  great  deal  of  good,  provided  my 
brother  does  not  obstruct  all  by  his  indocility  and 


1 84          THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

most  singular  way  of  thinking  and  arguing, 
which,  indeed,  passes  anybody's  comprehension." 
Charles's  "  indocility  "  soon  displayed  itself. 
Andrew  Lumisden,  who  acted  as  his  secretary, 
and  John  Hay  of  Restalrig,  had  a  tenderer  care 
than  himself  for  his  own  honour.  They  refused 
to  accompany  him  on  an  occasion  when  he  was 
too  obviously  intoxicated  to  be  seen  abroad.  In 
December,  1767,  he  dismissed  them,  as  he  had 
Goring  and  others  whose  scruples  had  clashed 
with  his  will. 

Probably  the  suggestion  that  Charles  should 
marry  came  from  many  quarters.  His  supporters 
in  Scotland,  the  few  that  remained,  hoped  for  it, 
and  later  toasted  enthusiastically  his  "  Queen  of 
Hearts."  France  desired  it,  not  wishing  the 
bogey  of  Jacobitism  to  become  wholly  extinct. 
Cardinal  York  also,  one  supposes,  detected  in 
matrimony  a  frail  hope  for  his  brother's  tardy 
salvation.  In  January,  1770,  Charles  was  negotia- 
ting with  the  Due  de  Fitzjames  for  the  hand  of 
the  daughter  of  the  Due  de  Deux-Ponts,  a  girl  of 
seventeen.  The  proposal  apparently  came  to 
nothing.  In  the  summer,  by  his  physician's 
advice,  Charles  left  Rome  for  Pisa  to  take  the 
baths.  He  was  at  Florence  in  August,  on  his  way 
to  his  "cure."  He  was  received  there  with  some 
distinction,  though  the  Grand  Ducal  Court  ignored 
him.  He  returned  thither  from  Pisa  in  the 


THE  KING  (,766—1788)  185 

autumn,  but  the  Florentine  aristocracy,  obeying 
their  instructions,  received  him  coldly.  Accord- 
ing to  Mann,  and  Charles's  known  character  bears 
him  out,  the  knowledge  of  how  unwelcome  his 
presence  in  Florence  was  determined  Charles  to 
prolong  his  visit.  He  remained  on  until  the 
spring  of  1771,  and  was  induced  to  depart  only 
after  a  serious  admonition  from  Henry.  The 
Cardinal  exerted  an  authority  to  which  Charles 
was  forced  to  submit.  He  was  wealthy,  and  con- 
tributed liberally  to  Charles's  exchequer.  In 
May,  1771,  Charles  was  back  in  Rome,  and  con- 
templating a  secret  departure  from  the  city,  much 
as  he  had  done  in  1 744.  He  secured  a  passport 
for  himself  (John  Douglas)  and  one  servant. 
France  was  his  goal.  On  August  18  he  left 
Siena,  and  before  the  end  of  the  month  he  was 
once  more  in  Paris,  sheltered  by  a  tailor  named 
Didelot,  and  incongruously  lodged  in  the  Hotel 
Brunswick,  near  the  Rue  St.  Honore.  Louis 
was  fully  aware  of  Charles's  visit,  and  promoted 
the  matrimonial  schemes  which  had  drawn  him 
from  Italy.  A  Colonel  Ryan,  an  Irishman  in  the 
French  service,  served  Charles,  as  Wogan  had 
served  James,  in  beating  the  coverts  for  eligible 
Princesses.  A  "  Miss  Speedy,"  whom  Mr.  Lang 
identifies  as  Marie  Louise,  daughter  of  the 
Prince  of  Salm-Kyllburg,  was  the  first  pro- 
posal. She  was  eighteen,  but  sensible  beyond 


186         THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

her  years,  and  Charles's  offer  was  rejected  with 
emphasis. 

Meanwhile  England  had  got  wind  of  Charles's 
visit,  and  suspected  mischief,  for  Poland's  fate 
engaged  Europe  at  the  moment.  The  Due 
d'Aiguillon  gave  satisfactory  assurances,  and 
added  that  Charles  had  already  been  desired 
to  return  to  Italy.  Charles,  in  fact,  then  or 
later,  left  Paris,  while  Ryan  continued  the  quest 
for  a  bride.  On  December  30,  1771,  Ryan  an- 
nounced his  success.  He  had  found  at  Mons  a 
girl  of  eighteen,  Louise,  daughter  of  the  Prince 
de  Stolberg.  She,  like  Clementina  Walkinshaw, 
was  canoness  of  a  Chapitre  noble.  Her  father,  in 
the  Austrian  service,  had  been  killed  at  Leuthen 
in  1757.  His  widow,  though  rich  in  ancestry, 
was  but  poorly  provided  for  the  task  of  bringing 
up  her  four  girls.  Mr.  Ewald,  who  pens  the 
following  lines  to  her,  does  her  some  injustice  : 

"  Here  is  a  mother  now 
Will  truck  her  daughter  for  a  foreign  venture." 

In  truth,  the  Princesse  de  Stolberg  was  per- 
fectly willing  to  marry  her  daughter  to  an  elderly 
husband,  and  if  Louise  failed  her,  her  third 
daughter,  a  child  of  fifteen,  so  Charles  was 
informed,  was  ready  for  the  sacrifice.  But  Louise 
desired  no  deputy.  Her  later  life  proclaims  her 
complete  ability  to  take_care  of  herself,  and  for 


LOUISE  OF   STOLIlEKli 


THE  KING  (1766—1788)  187 

the  moment  the  prospect  of  Queenship  was 
alluring.  There  can  be  little  doubt  that  the 
bait  was  held  out  to  her  which  had  already 
attracted  Charles  towards  matrimony,  the  pros- 
pect of  recognition  at  Rome  and  of  subsidies  from 
France.  Spex  ncscia  falli  was  the  motto  of  the 
Stolbergs,  but  Louise  lived  to  know  it  mislead- 
ing. Charles  made  no  delay  on  his  side.  His 
bride  was  described  to  him  as  having  "a  good 
figure,  a  pretty  face,  and  excellent  teeth,  with  all 
the  qualities  which  Your  Majesty  can  desire." 
Charles  directed  Louise  to  proceed  to  Bologna  by 
way  of  the  Tyrol.  She  arrived  there  on  April  1 1, 
1772,  and  six  days  later  (April  17) — Good  Friday! 
— Charles  was  married  to  her  at  Macerata.  She 
was  nineteen  and  he  fifty-two,  and  her  wedding- 
ring  bore  a  cameo  of  his  head  with  this  posy  : 

"This  Crown  is  due  to  you  by  me, 
And  none  can  love  you  more  than  me." 

At  Macerata  a  friendly  Cardinal  placed  his 
palace  at  the  disposal  of  the  bride  and  bride- 
groom. Two  days  after  the  wedding  they  pro- 
ceeded to  Terni.  On  April  22  they  entered 
Rome,  and  passed  to  their  home  in  the  Palazzo 
dei  Santi  Apostoli.  It  was  more  noble  than  the 
"pretty  house"  at  Ghent  which  Charles  had 
furnished  for  another  occupant  exactly  twenty 
years  before,  but  it  soon  sheltered  no  less  un- 
happiness. 


i88          THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

The  traditions  of  melodrama  prescribe  as  neces- 
sary and  appropriate  the  next  event  in  Charles's 
life.  Five  days  after  his  return  to  Rome  his  child 
Charlotte — his  wife's  contemporary — was  writing 
from  her  abbey  at  Meaux  to  remind  him  of 
earlier  and  forgotten  ties.  To  translate  her  letter 
would  deprive  it  of  its  delightful  ndivele  and 
girlish  straightforwardness.  It  follows,  as  Mr. 
Lang  transcribes  it  : 

"  SIRE,  C'est  avec  le  plus  profond  respect,  Mon  Auguste 
Papa,  qtie  je  prends  la  liberte  de  vous  faire  mon  com- 
plimens  sur  votre  etablissement,  et  je  supplie  Votre 
Majeste  d'etre  tres  persuades  que  Malgres  votre  oublie, 
et  le  Neant  horribles  dans  lequelles  vous  M[e]  laisses, 
que  cela  Ne  m'empecheras  jamais  de  formes  tous  les  vceux 
les  plus  sinceres  pour  tout  ce  qui  pen  faire  votre  bonheurs, 
et  votre  prosperite  ;  Ne  pouvants  rien  a'jouttes  de  plus, 
ayant  epuisses  tous  les  sentiments  de  mon  coeur,  dans  le 
nombres  infinies  de  lettres  que  j'ay  eu  Thonneur  de  vous 
ecrires  dont  aucunes  n'onts  traces  sur  vous,  mon  auguste 
Papa,  ce  qui  est  pour  moy  une  preuves  tres  clairs  de  votre 
abandons  totalles  que  je  n'ai  jamais  Merite.  Mais  je  vois 
qu'il  faut  prendres  mon  partis  puisque  personnes  n'oses 
Meme  vous  paries  de  moy  ny  vous  prononces  seulement 
mon  noms,  je  me  suis  meme  adresses  a  Monsieur  le 
principal  [John]  Gordon  [of  the  Scots  College  in  Paris], 
qui  ma  parus  etre  tres  touches  de  mon  etat  d'abandons, 
Mais  il  a  ajouttes  qifil  ne  pouvois  pas  entreprendre  de 
vous  en  ecrires  dans  la  craintes  de  deplaire  a  votre  Majeste, 
et  beaucoup  d'autres  irTont  dits  la  Meme  choses,  de  sortes, 
mon  auguste  Papa,  je  n'aures  done  pour  tout  partager 
Thonneur  que  j'ai  d'etre  votre  fille  que  celui  du  desespoirs, 


THE  KING  (1766—1788)  189 

puisque  je  suis  sans  sort  et  sans  etat  et  condanmcs  con- 
sequamment  a  menes  la  vie  du  Monde  la  plus  malheureuses 
et  la  plus  Miserables  :  je  n'ai  done  d'autres  resources  que 
de  supplie  le  ciel  avec  la  plus  vive  instances  d'abrcgers 
mes  tristes  jours,  qui  ne  sont  que  dejas  trop  remplis 
d'amertumes,  et  j'ay  Thonneur  de  finirs,  mon  auguste 
Papa,  avec  un  tres  profond  respect 
"  Sire,  de  votre  Majeste 

"  La  tres  humble  et  tres  obeissante  Servante 
et  fille  tres  infortunee 

"  CHARLOTTE. 

"  a  1'abbaye  de  Notre  Dame 

de  Meaux  en  Brie  le  27  Avril  1772." 

Charlotte's  "  auguste  Papa,"  deaf  to  her  earlier 
letters,  answered  this  one.  Through  John  Gordon 
he  offered  to  receive  her  into  his  household  at 
Rome.  Clementina,  naturally,  he  would  have 
nothing  to  do  with,  and  he  conditioned  his  offer 
with  the  proviso  that  Charlotte  also  must  break 
with  her.  Charlotte,  no  doubt,  refused,  and  she 
and  her  mother  came  to  Rome  in  1773  to  urge 
their  cause  in  person.  Probably  Charles  did  not 
see  them.  They  fared  no  better  at  his  hands  than 
had  Elcho.  They  were  ordered  to  leave  the  city, 
and  returned  to  their  old  quarters  at  Meaux,  or 
possibly  to  Paris.  Early  in  1774  Charles  learnt 
from  Gordon,  of  the  Scots  College,  that  Char- 
lotte, in  despair  of  receiving  help  from  her  father, 
was  resolved  to  marry.  It  is  difficult  to  imagine 
any  cause,  other  than  pure  fractiousness,  for 
Charles's  answer  to  her  proposal.  He  declined 


1 9o          THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

to  give  her  any  help,  and  ordered  Gordon 
(February  10,  1775)  to  tell  her  that  if  she 
married  he  would  cast  her  off  for  ever.  Gordon 
fulfilled  his  unpleasant  task,  but  on  February  27, 
1775,  relieved  his  feelings  in  the  following  letter 
to  Charles  : 

"  I  communicated  to  the  young  lady  in  question 
the  contents  of  your  letter  of  the  10th,  it  tucht 
her  to  such  a  degree  that  I  was  sorry  I  had  spok 
to  her  so  friely.  She  seems,  since  she  can  have 
no  word  of  consolation  from  you,  inclined  to  marry 
the  first  who  will  seek  her  and  has  anuff  to  make 
her  live ;  since  she  is  at  present  of  a  proper  age, 
and  if  she  were  to  wait  much  longer  it  is  probable 
she  would  find  none.  The  treatment  she  has  at 
present  is  so  precarious  that  in  case  no  match 
offers  she  is  resolved  to  go  in  to  a  begging  order 
where  she  will  trouble  nobody  afterwards,  if  she 
lives  any  time,  which  she  does  not  believe  will 
be  the  case,  as  her  spirits  are  intirly  brock, 
and  the  Doctor  says  that  her  Grief  has  given 
her  an  obstruction  on  the  liver.  All  she  desired 
was  to  be  acknowledged  as  a  Natural  Daughter, 
and  as  she  was  only  six  years  old  when  carried  off 
[from  Bouillon  in  1760],  that  she  ought  not  to 
[be]  intirly  ruined  for  a  fault  of  which  her  age 
hindered  her  to  be  any  ways  partner.  I  am 
heartily  sorry  for  her  misfortunate  situation  and 


CHARLOTTE  DUCHESS  OF  ALBANY 


THE  KING  (1766-1788)  19, 

think  she  deserves  better,  being  esteemed  by  all 
who  know  her  as  one  of  the  most  accomplished 
young  women  in  this  town.  Her  health  at  present 
is  not  in  a  good  way,  and  I  believe  my  conference 
with  her  will  make  it  worse  :  I  beg  therefore  you 
will  give  me  no  more  such  commissions,  as  it  hurts 
me  much  to  be  any  ways,  tho  innocently,  the  occa- 
sion of  the  death  of  a  person  I  esteem  and  respect 
much." 

Charlotte  lived  to  nobly  requite  her  father  in 
the  days  to  come,  but  nine  years  were  to  elapse 
before  she  took  her  place  by  his  side  at  Florence. 

Charles's  relations  with  his  daughter  have 
brought  us  to  the  year  1775.  Meanwhile  his 
conduct  had  been  driving  his  young  wife  to  take 
the  step  which  Charlotte's  mother  had  taken  in 
the  long-ago.  Both  Charles  and  Louise  had  been 
bitterly  disappointed  at  the  Pope's  continued 
refusal  to  accord  them  recognition  of  their  Royal 
position.  For  a  time  after  his  marriage  Charles 
managed  to  control  his  craving  for  the  "  nasty 
bottle."  He  was  genuinely  proud  of  his  young 
wife,  though  his  constant  attendance  upon  her 
tended  to  boredom  in  Louise,  and  to  despair  in 
her  cavaliere  Alfieri,  when  that  somewhat  pinch- 
beck Perseus  flew  to  the  rescue  of  his  Andromeda. 
By  December,  1773,  Mann  was  reporting  that  of 
late  Charles  had  given  in  to  his  besetting  sin,  and 


i9a         THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

was  "  seldom  quite  sober."  He  removed  to  Leg- 
horn, and  thence  to  Siena.  Here,  according  to  a 
farrago  of  romantic  fiction  published  in  1847  by 
the  two  strange  brothers,  John  Stolberg  Sobieski 
Stuart  and  Charles  Edward  Stuart,  in  their  Talcs 
of  the  Century,  a  son  was  born  to  Charles  and 
Louise,  who  was  secretly  entrusted  to  Captain 
(afterwards  Admiral)  Allen,  and  by  him  brought 
to  England.  This  putative  Stuart  passed  as  James 
Allen,  and  was  the  father  of  the  authors  of  the 
Tales  of  the  Century.  There  are  many  strange 
features  in  the  story  unfolded  by  the  brothers, 
and  its  main  fact — the  existence  of  a  son  of 
Charles  and  Louise — cannot  possibly  be  main- 
tained. There  was  no  motive  for  the  alleged 
concealment  of  the  child's  birth  and  origin,  and 
both  Charles  and  Louise  left  categorical  state- 
ments that  their  marriage  was  childless.  In  the 
autumn  of  1 774  Charles  took  his  wife  to  Florence, 
where  later  (1777)  he  acquired  the  Palazzo  Guad- 
agni,  or  San  Clemente,  in  the  Via  San  Sebastiano. 
As  in  1770,  the  Grand  Ducal  Court  held  aloof 
from  him,  but  Charles  made  no  endeavour  to 
assert  his  Kingship.  He  and  his  wife  passed  as 
the  Comte  and  Comtesse  d' Albany.  He  was 
very  regular  in  his  attendance  at  the  Opera,  and 
not  infrequently  in  a  drunken  condition.  His 
health  broke  down  under  the  strain  which  for 
years  he  had  put  upon  it.  He  was  as  restless  as 


THE  KING  (1766-1788)  193 

the  erratic  Lord  Peterborough,  and  at  length 
Louise  rebelled  against  his  fatiguing  demands 
upon  her.  On  June  5,  1777,  she  wrote  to  him, 
"puisque  votre  Majeste  ne  veut  pas  entendre 
raison  quand  on  lui  parle."  It  was  cruel,  she  told 
him,  "d'obliger  une  pauvre  femme  4  courir  les 
rues  par  une  chaleur  horrible  parceque  Votre 
Majeste  s'ennuie  dans  sa  chambre."  She  en- 
closed a  memorial  which  she  intended  to  circu- 
late among  her  friends  for  her  justification,  and 
signed  herself  "  L'  Humble  Moitie  de  Votre 
Majeste."  "  In  a  duel  of  words,"  as  Mr.  Lang 
remarks,  "  Louise  must  always  have  been  the 
victor." 

Louise's  remonstrance  failed  in  effect,  and  the 
relations  of  the  King  and  Queen  hurried  to  the 
denouement  which  had  broken  up  James  III.'s 
home  half  a  century  before,  but  in  more  reputable 
circumstances.  There  arrived  at  Florence,  in  the 
course  of  1777,  a  young  Piedmontese  of  genius 
and  fortune,  Vittorio  Alfieri  da  Asti.  He  had 
travelled  widely,  had  had  many  liaisons,  and  has 
pinned  them  to  paper  as  a  naturalist  impales  his 
butterflies.  An  acquaintance  took  him  to  the 
Palazzo  Guadagni.  Louise's  dark  eyes,  fairest  of 
skins,  and  literary  tastes  captivated  him.  Ana- 
lyzing his  emotions,  as  was  his  wont,  he  found 
symptoms  which  differentiated  his  "  fourth  and 
final  heart-fever,"  so  he  calls  it,  from  those 
13 


194          THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

which  had  preceded  it.  For  the  first  time  his 
mind  and  intellect  sang  in  unison  with  his  heart. 
Above  all,  he  discerned  in  Louise  one  who  would 
inspire  him  athwart  his  Pegasus.  The  drama  ran 
its  inevitable  course.  Louise  was  horribly  bored, 
and  Alfieri  a  welcome  distraction.  They  met 
constantly,  but  rarely  in  private,  for  Charles  was 
jealous  and  increasingly  exacting.  Three  years 
passed  thus.  The  crisis  arrived  on  November  30, 
1780.  It  was  St.  Andrew's  Day,  and  Charles  had 
drunk  even  more  than  was  his  wont  in  honour  of 
Scotland's  patron  saint.  Whether  Louise's  rela- 
tions with  Alfieri  had  passed  the  bounds  of  correct 
Platonism  is  a  moot  point.  Whatever  their  nature, 
Charles  was  madly  jealous,  and  the  wine  impelled 
him  to  fury.  He  burst  into  his  wife's  room,  and 
treated  her  "in  the  most  indecent  and  cruel 
manner,"  Mann  reported.  He  is  said  to  have  all  but 
strangled  her.  Fear  for  her  life  as  much  as  affec- 
tion for  Alfieri  determined  Louise  to  escape  from 
her  husband.  She  sought  the  help  of  a  Madame 
Orlandini,  the  mistress  of  a  young  Irishman 
named  Gehegan.  Louise  invited  her  to  break- 
fast. After  it  a  visit  was  proposed  to  a  neighbour- 
ing convent,  ostensibly  to  see  the  nuns'  needle- 
work. Charles  suspected  nothing,  and  accompanied 
the  ladies  in  their  coach.  Gehegan  was  waiting 
at  the  convent  door,  and  escorted  Louise  within. 
He  returned  to  Charles,  declaring  that  the  door 


THE  KING  (1766-1788)  I95 

had  been  rudely  shut  upon  him.  Charles  there- 
upon alighted  and  thundered  for  admittance.  He 
was  told  that  Louise  had  put  herself  under  the 
protection  of  the  Grand  Duchess,  and  perforce 
returned  to  Florence,  vowing  vengeance  on 
Alfieri,  and  offering  a  thousand  sequins  to  any 
who  would  rid  him  of  him,  says  Mann  (Decem- 
ber 12,  1780).  Charles  made  no  secret  of  his 
suspicions  regarding  his  wife's  relations  with 
Alfieri.  His  threatenings  reached  the  poet  at 
Naples.  Gehegan,  who  had  already  drawn  from 
Charles  an  apology  for  unbecoming  references  to 
himself,  took  up  the  cudgels  on  Alfieri's  behalf. 
"  It  is  said,  Sir,"  he  wrote  to  Charles,  "  that  you 
call  him  a  seducer,  and  attribute  to  him  the 
separation  between  you  and  your  most  amiable 
Consort,  whereas  it  is  notorious  to  all  Florence, 
that  her  state  of  health  and  daily  sufferings  forced 
her  to  that  extremity."  Alfieri,  "  conscious  of  his 
innocence,  and  justly  surprised  as  well  as  irritated 
by  such  a  calumny,"  declared  Gehegan,  was  re- 
solved "to  return  in  the  speediest  manner  to 
Florence  to  Demand  Satisfaction,"  unless  Charles 
meanwhile  accorded  it.  Alfieri,  however,  was 
baulked  of  the  dramatic  Jinale  which  Gehegan 
invited.  Meanwhile  Louise  from  her  refuge  near 
Florence  had  written  (December  9,  1780)  to  her 
brother-in-law,  Cardinal  York,  to  propose  her 
return  to  Rome  and  to  enlist  his  sympathy. 
13—2 


196         THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

Henry  replied  from  Frascati  on  December  15, 
1780.  He  had  long  anticipated,  he  told  her,  the 
step  which  she  had  taken.  He  approved  of  her 
intention  to  return  to  Rome,  and,  in  concert 
with  the  Pope,  had  arranged  for  her  to  withdraw 
to  the  Convent  of  the  Ursulines,  which  had  shel- 
tered Charles's  mother  when  she,  like  Louise,  left 
her  husband.  The  Pope  also  sent  (December  16) 
his  assurance  of  sympathy  and  help,  and  on 
December  30, 1780,  Louise  quitted  her  Florentine 
refuge  for  Rome.  Gehegan  and  Alfieri,  disguised 
and  armed  on  the  box,  watched  against  a  possible 
rescue  during  the  first  part  of  the  journey.  At 
Rome  Louise  was  treated  "  with  the  greatest  atten- 
tion," writes  Mann  (January  23,  1781).  Charles's 
allowance  from  the  Papal  revenue  was  docked 
considerably  on  her  behalf.  The  Cardinal  was 
generous  to  her,  and  France  gave  her  a  pension. 
Soon  she  left  the  Convent  for  Henry's  house. 
Her  mother  was  expected  in  the  spring  to  take 
her  to  Paris.  But  Louise  planned  otherwise. 

Alfieri  was  not  long  in  following  his  mistress. 
He  arrived  at  Rome,  and  rented  the  Villa  Strozzi, 
near  the  Baths  of  Diocletian.  The  spot  was  con- 
genial to  his  poetic  temperament  —  the  man 
nurtured  his  emotions  as  a  youth  his  moustache  ! 
He  was  allowed  ready  access  to  his  Psipsia — so  he 
called  her — and  the  Cardinal  was  unsuspicious. 
In  December,  1782,  Charles  commissioned  the 


THE  KING  (1766-1788)  ,97 

Prince  Corsini  to  request  the  Vatican,  on  his 
behalf,  to  send  back  his  wife  to  him,  to  restore  to 
him  his  full  pension,  and  to  dismiss  Alfieri  from 
Rome.  Pius  VI.  refused  to  satisfy  him  on  a 
single  particular.  As  to  Alfieri,  he  hoped  that 
"  many  gentlemen  of  equal  merit  "  would  honour 
Rome  with  their  presence.  Alfieri  and  Louise, 
however,  had  all  but  reached  the  limit  of  their 
credit.  In  March,  1783,  Charles  was  attacked 
by  a  serious  illness.  The  Cardinal  was  sum- 
moned, and  hastened  to  Florence.  Meanwhile 
(March  23-2.5)  Charles  had  made  his  will,  and  had 
appointed  his  daughter  Charlotte,  whom  on 
March  30  he  legitimated,  his  heir.  He  designated 
her  "  Duchess  of  Albany."  To  his  brother,  upon 
his  arrival,  he  gave  an  account  of  his  wife's  rela- 
tions with  Alfieri  before  her  flight  from  Florence. 
That  the  Cardinal  was  impressed  by  Charles's 
story  is  clear  from  his  subsequent  conduct.  Upon 
his  return  to  Rome  Henry  had  an  interview  with 
the  Pope.  The  result  of  it  was  an  admonition  to 
Alfieri  to  quit  Rome  within  fifteen  days.  On 
May  4,  1783,  he  withdrew  to  Siena,  a  very  dis- 
consolate Psipsio.  With  Psipsia  he  continued  to 
correspond  voluminously. 

In  the  winter  of  1783  a  Deus  ex  machina 
appeared  at  Florence  in  the  person  of  Gustavus 
III.  of  Sweden.  Through  his  instrumentality  the 
relations  between  Charles  and  his  wife  were  placed 


i98          THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

upon  an  intelligible,  if  not  a  satisfactory,  footing. 
Mann  reported  the  terms  of  the  settlement  on 
May  8,  1784.  Louise  secured  "an  amicable 
divorce  a  memo,  et  thoro,  and  liberty  to  reside 
where  she  pleases."  On  her  part  she  surrendered 
her  pin-money,  15,000  livres  per  annum,  and  the 
allowance,  £1,000,  which  the  Cardinal  had  diverted 
to  her  from  Charles's  pension  since  his  separation 
from  his  wife.  But  Louise  was  by  no  means  left 
penniless.  From  France  since  her  separation 
she  received  a  pension  of  60,000  livres,  and  at  her 
husband's  death  would  receive  a  dowry  of  6,000 
crowns  from  his  estate.  Charles,  if  money  was 
really  precious  to  him,  was  better  off  than  during 
his  married  life.  Mann  computed  his  income  at 
£2,500  per  annum  from  the  Vatican,  and  over 
£2,000  per  annum  from  the  French  funds.  The 
Cardinal  at  the  same  time  surrendered  to  him  his 
share  of  the  Sobieski  jewels  and  family  plate. 
The  golden  shield  which  the  Emperor  Leopold 
had  presented  to  the  famous  John  Sobieski,  the 
deliverer  of  Vienna,  was  soon  transferred  from 
Rome  to  Charles's  palace  at  Florence.  The 
Great  Ruby  of  Poland,  however,  and  other  jewels 
were  left  in  the  Mont-de-Piete  at  Rome,  redeem- 
able by  Poland,  but  never  redeemed. 

Released  from  her  husband,  Louise  was  not 
long  before  she  flew  to  her  lover.  She  left  Italy 
and  joined  him  at  Colmar  in  August,  1784,  and 


THE  KING  (1766—1788)  ,99 

after  some  stay  accompanied  him  thence  to  Paris. 
She  was  there  when  Napoleon  was  meditating  an 
invasion  of  England.  Mr.  Lang  records  an 
interesting  episode  in  her  life  at  that  period. 
Napoleon  sent  for  her.  She  went,  and  awaited 
her  audience  in  a  large  and  empty  room  in  the 
palace.  Napoleon  entered  and  asked  her  bluntly: 
"  Madame,  had  you  ever  a  child  ?"  "  No,  Sire," 
she  answered.  Napoleon  turned  on  his  heel  and  left 
her.  At  Paris  Louise  heard  of  the  death  of  her 
husband,  and  was  moved  to  genuine  grief  at  the 
news,  Alfieri  declares.  The  bouleversemcnt  of  the 
Revolution  drove  them  from  Paris  to  England. 
She  went  to  Court,  and  was  "not  at  all  embar- 
rassed," says  Horace  Walpole.  But  the  Queen 
eyed  her  "earnestly."  After  many  wanderings 
she  and  Alfieri  returned  to  Italy,  and  settled  at 
Florence.  In  1 803  Alfieri  died,  making  her  world, 
his  Countess  declared,  a  desert.  She  survived 
him,  however,  for  over  twenty  years,  and  the 
painter  Fabre  soon  reigned  in  Psipsio's  stead. 
In  1 824  she  died,  the  last  of  those  whose  fortunes 
had  closely  touched  Prince  Charles's. 

The  formal  separation  from  Louise  relieved 
Charles  from  a  position  which  he  had  bemoaned 
as  "  cruelle,  tyrannique,  injuste,"  and  even  "  bar- 
bare."  He  was  over  sixty  years  of  age,  and  older 
than  his  years,  broken,  dyspeptic,  irritable,  sus- 
picious. Above  all,  he  was  lonely,  and  Louise, 


200          THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

perhaps,  had  left  a  wider  chasm  in  his  life  than  he 
had  thought  possible.  Whatever  the  motive  that 
impelled  him,  he  turned  to  his  daughter  Charlotte, 
and  (July,  1784)  begged  her  to  take  pity  upon  his 
loneliness.  Charlotte's  "  auguste  Papa  "  had  at 
length  unbended.  In  October,  1784,  she  joined 
him  at  Florence.  He  welcomed  her  with  genuine 
affection,  and  on  St.  Andrew's  day  (November  30) 
invested  her  with  the  Order  of  St.  Andrew. 
The  old  palace  awoke  to  something  of  its  earlier 
gaiety  in  Charles's  efforts  to  please  and  to  enter- 
tain her.  He  gave  balls,  and  drowsed  while 
his  guests  danced.  He  lived,  too,  a  cleaner  and 
better  life,  for  his  new-found  daughter  was  a 
young  woman  of  tact  and  determination,  who 
kept  him  in  order,  though  with  difficulty.  The 
"  nasty  bottle "  entertained  him  in  moderation. 
The  repentance  and  conversion  of  the  prodigal, 
a  vista  once  so  remote  to  the  anxious  Cardinal, 
seemed  almost  in  prospect,  and  the  Pope  offered 
his  congratulations  on  the  tardy  dawn  of  grace. 
But  physically  Charles  grew  weaker  and  weaker. 
"  His  mind  seems  to  approach  that  of  imbecillity," 
reported  Mann.  One  of  his  visitors,  Mr.  Great- 
head,  a  friend  of  Fox,  encouraged  him  to  speak 
on  one  occasion  of  his  great  adventure  forty 
years  back.  Charles  kindled  as  he  recounted  his 
exploits  in  that  far-off  time.  He  recalled  the 
fate  of  those  who  had  followed  him,  until,  excited 


THE  KING  (1766—1788)  201 

by  the  reminiscence,  he  sank  to  the  ground  in 
convulsions.  Charlotte  hurried  into  the  room. 
"  Oh,  sir !"  she  said  to  Greathead,  "  what  is  this  ? 
You  must  have  been  speaking  to  my  father  about 
Scotland  and  the  Highlanders.  No  one  dares  to 
mention  those  subjects  in  his  presence."  He  was 
"so  bothered  in  the  head,"  Charles  writes  of 
himself.  In  December,  1785,  the  Cardinal  induced 
him  to  return  to  Rome.  His  physicians  feared 
he  was  too  weak  to  undertake  the  journey,  but 
he  accomplished  it  in  easy  stages,  setting  out  from 
Florence  on  December  2.  In  the  spring  of  1786 
he  had  a  relapse,  and  in  the  summer  removed  to 
Albano.  There,  sick  to  the  death  himself,  he 
"  touched "  others  for  the  scrofula.  In  the 
winter  he  returned  to  Rome.  A  year  later,  early 
in  January,  1788,  he  was  stricken  with  paralysis. 
He  lingered  throughout  the  month,  and  on 
January  31  died  in  his  daughter's  arms.  As  he 
had  come  into  the  world,  so  he  went  out  of  it 
appropriately,  on  the  last  day  of  the  month.  He 
was,  indeed,  the  spes  ultima  of  a  cause  whose 
summer  had  long  since  faded  to  winter. 

In  accordance  with  his  will,  executed  in  1784, 
Charlotte  was  left  residuary  legatee  of  her  father's 
property.  He  had  but  little  to  leave.  His 
pension  amounted  to  about  £2,400,  and  he 
possessed  about  £1,700  in  investments.  His 
jewels  were  inventoried  later  at  nearly  £27,000, 


202          THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

and  included  certain  insignia  which  James  II.  had 
taken  with  him  on  his  hurried  flight  from  England. 
Charles's  palace  at  Florence  and  the  furniture  it 
contained  were  sold  by  his  daughter,  and  realized 
£6,517.     Charlotte  did  not  long  enjoy  the  income 
with  which  her  father  had  tardily  endowed  her. 
She  died  in   1789,  from  injuries  caused  by  a  fall 
from  her  horse.     The  Cardinal,  upon  the  death  of 
Charles,    had    assumed   his    title    as    Henry    IX. 
None  knew  better  than  he  its  empty  and  fruitless 
character :  his  medal  bore  the  legend  Gratia  Dei 
sed  non  Voluntate  Hominum.     In  1798  a  party  of 
French  banditti  forced  him  to  fly  from  his  retreat 
at  Frascati,  a  ruined  man.     His  large  revenues  in 
Italy    had    been    swallowed   up   in    Bonaparte's 
scourging  of   Italy.     His  benefice    in  Spain  was 
absorbed  by   the    pensions    with  which  his    own 
kindliness  or  the  bequests  of  his  father  and  brother 
had   burdened    him ;    they    included    a    sum   of 
3,000  crowns  to  Clementina  Walkinshaw,  till  her 
death  in  1802.      His  sad  lot  moved  the  generosity 
of  George    III.,    and    from    him     the    Cardinal 
accepted   with    gratitude    a    yearly    pension   of 
£4,000.     He  died  in  1807,  the  last  descendant, 
in  direct  male  succession,  of  Mary  Stuart. 

One  monument  in  St.  Peter's  perpetuates  the 
memory  of  Charles,  his  father  and  brother,  the 
last  three  Stuart  Kings.  A  single  epitaph 
thereon  speaks  for  their  lives  so  strangely  diverse  : 


IACOKI-111 
IACOH-U-MAGNAI-B4UT-MGU  FILIO 

tAHOLO-IDVAKDO 

ET- HENWCO -D£C*HO-MTRVM -CAHDINALIVX 
lACOII-lll-FILIU 


THE  STUART  MONUMENT   IN  ST.    PETERS 


THE  KING  (1766—1788)  203 

Beati  Morti/i  qui  in  Domino  moriuntur.  To  Charles, 
with  his  poor,  wasted,  rudderless  life,  the  words 
seem  faintly  applicable.  The  good  died  young 
within  him  from  the  day  when  he  turned  his  back 
upon  Scotland  and  the  one  chance  which  miserly 
Fate  allowed  him.  Yet  to  his  youth  of  high 
promise,  and  the  cruel  wrecking  of  its  once 
swelling  hopes,  Johnson's  elegy  upon  Charles  XII. 
of  Sweden  seems  not  wholly  inapplicable  : 

"  A  frame  of  adamant,  a  soul  of  fire, 
No  dangers  fright  him,  and  no  labours  tire  ; 
No  joys  to  him  pacific  sceptres  yield, 
War  sounds  the  trump,  he  rushes  to  the  field. 

***** 

The  vanquished  hero  leaves  his  broken  bands, 
And  shows  his  miseries  in  distant  lands  ; 
Condemn'd  a  needy  suppliant  to  wait, 
While  ladies  interpose,  and  slaves  debate. 
But  did  not  chance  at  length  her  error  mend  ? 
Did  no  subverted  empire  mark  his  end  ? 
He  left  the  name,  at  which  the  world  grew  pale, 
To  point  a  moral  or  adorn  a  tale." 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTE 


CONSIDERING  the  appalling  amount  of 
\v_x  Jacobite  literature,  biographies  of  Prince 
Charles  are  surprisingly  scanty  in  number.  The 
following  are  the  most  important,  though  Mr. 
Lang's  volumes  easily  supersede  all  others  : 
Alexander  C.  Ewald's  The  Life  and  Times  of 
Prince  Charles  Stuart  (new  edition.  London,  1883); 
Carl  L.  Klose's  Leben  des  Prinzen  Carl  aus  dem  Hause 
Stuart  (Leipzig,  1842);  Andrew  Lang's  Prince  Charles 
Edward  (London,  1900),  and  his  Pickle  the  Spy;  or, 
The  Incognito  of  Prince  Charles  (London,  1897)  ; 
Amedee  Pichot's  Histoire  de  Charles — fidouard, 
dernier  Prince  de  la  Maison  de  Stuart  (Paris,  1830). 
The  life  of  Charles's  father,  James  III.,  is  yet 
to  be  written.  Sketches  of  his  career  are  in  John 
H.  Jesse's  Memoirs  of  the  Pretenders  and  their 
Adherents  (London,  1845);  J.  Lacroix  de  Marles's 
Histoire  du  Chevalier  de  St.  Georges,  Pretendant  a 
la  Couronne  d'Angleterre  (Limoges,  1852),  and  in 
an  article  in  the  Dictionary  of  National  Biography. 
The  circumstances  of  his  romantic  marriage  are 
set  forth  in  J.  T.  Gilbert's  Narratives  of  the  Deten- 
tion, Liberation,  and  Marriage  of  Maria  Clementina 
Stuart  (Dublin,  1894).  Mr.  A.  E.  W.  Mason's 
novel  Clementina  tells  the  story  very  delightfully 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTE          205 

and  accurately.  The  Jacobite  attempts  to  restore 
James  III.  are  described  in  detail,  from  contem- 
porary sources,  in  the  present  writer's  The  Chevalier 
de  St.  George  and  the  Jacobite  Movements  in  his 
Favour,  1701-20  (London,  1901).  The  recently 
published  Calendar  of  the  Stuart  Papers  belonging 
to  His  Majesty  the  King,  preserved  at  Windsor  Castle 
(vol.  i.  London,  1902)  throws  fresh  light  upon 
James's  life  and  policy  to  17 16. 

The  history  of  Charles's  wife,  Louise  of  Stolberg, 
is  detailed  in  the  following  :  Vernon  Lee's  The 
Countess  of  Albany  (London,  1884)  ;  Alfred  von 
Reumont's  Die  Gr'dfin  von  Albany  (2  vols.  Berlin, 
I860)  ;  R.  G.  E.  Saint-Rene'  Taillandier's  La 
Comtesse  d' Albany  (Paris,  1862).  Her  relations 
with  Alfieri  are  illustrated  in  his  Vita  di  Vittorio 
Alfieri  da  Asti,  scritta  da  Esso  (2  vols.  London, 
1804)  ;  Abraham  Hayward's  The  Countess  of 
Albany  and  Alfieri  (in  vol.  ii.  of  his  Biographical 
and  Critical  Essays,  2  vols.  London,  1873). 

A  brief  article  upon  Clementina  Walkinshaw,  by 
the  late  Mr.  Groome,  is  in  the  Dictionary  of 
National  Biography. 

The  literature  of  the  '45  is  enormous.  The 
following  contemporary  and  modern  accounts  are 
the  best :  Robert  Chambers' s  History  of  the  Re- 
bellion in  Scotland  in  1745-1746  (2  vols.  Edinburgh, 
1828)  ;  John  Home's  The  History  of  the  Rebellion 
in  the  Year  1745  (London,  1802) ;  Henry  M. 
Hozier's  The  Invasions  of  England  (2  vols.  London, 
1876);  Chevalier  de  Johnstone's  Memoirs  of  the 
Rebellion  in  1745  and  1746  (London,  1820);  Lord 
Mahon's  The  Forty-Five  (London,  1851);  James 
Maxwell  of  Kirkconnell's  Narrative  of  Charles 
Prince  of  Wales' s  Expedition  to  Scotland  in  the  Year 


206          THE  YOUNG  PRETENDER 

1745  (Maitland  Club,  Edinburgh,  1841);  John 
Murray  of  Uroughton's  Memo  rials  (edited  by  Robert 
F.  Bell,  Scottish  History  Society,  Edinburgh,  18.98); 
James  Ray's  A  Compleat  History  of  the  Rebellion 
(Bristol,  1750)  ;  The  Scots  Magazine  (vols.  vii. 
and  viii.  Edinburgh,  1745-46)  ;  Sir  Walter 
Scott's  Tales  of  a  Grandfather  (7  vols.  Edin- 
burgh, 1836).  The  story  of  the  '45  is  told  from 
contemporary  sources  in  the  present  writer's 
The  Ruing  of  1 745,  with  a  Bibliography  of  Jacobite 
History,  1689  1788  (London,  1900). 

Charles's  wanderings  in  the  Highlands  after 
Culloden  are  best  described  in  Bishop  Robert 
Forbes's  The  Lyon  in  Mourning  (edited  by  Henry 
Paton,  Scottish  History  Society,  3  vols.  Edin- 
burgh, 1895-96).  With  it  should  be  read  Mr. 
Walter  B.  Blaikie's  valuable  Itinerary  of  Prince 
Charles  Edward  Stuart  (Scottish  History  Society, 
Edinburgh,  1897).  The  attempts  of  the  military 
authorities  to  capture  Charles  are  detailed  in  the 
correspondence  printed  in  the  present  writer's 
The  Albemarle  Papers  (New  Spalding  Club,  2  vols., 
1902). 


INDEX 


ABERCHALDER,  Charles  at,  58. 

Aberdeen,  Cope  marches  to,  60 ; 
Lord  Lewis  Gordon  at,  75 ; 
Cumberland  marches  from,  82. 

Achnacary,  Charles  at,  116,  117. 

Aiguillon,  Due  d',  reassures  Eng- 
land as  to  Charles's  visit  to 
Paris,  186. 

Aiguillon,  Madame  d',  and  Charles, 
136,  168. 

Aix-la-Chapelle,  Treaty  of,  137. 

Albani,  Cardinal,  gives  assur- 
ances as  to  Charles's  visit  to 
Clement  XIII.,  183. 

Albano,  Charles  leaves  Rome  to- 
wards, 40;  Charles  "touches" 
for  scrofula  at,  201. 

Albany,  Charlotte  Duchess  of, 
birth  of,  163  ;  baptized  at  Liege, 
ib.  ;  her  mother  takes  her  to 
Meaux,  171 ;  her  letter  to 
Charles,  188  ;  resolves  to  marry, 
189 ;  appointed  Charles's  heir, 
197  ;  joins  Charles  at  Florence, 
200;  death  of,  202. 

Albemarle,  William  Anne  Earl 
of,  in  Scotland,  82,  115 ;  at 
Paris,  154,  160. 

Alberoni,  Cardinal,  invites  James 
to  Spain,  18  ;  Clementina  and, 
27. 

Alfieri,  Vittorio,  arrives  at  Flor- 
ence, 193 ;  his  relations  with 
Louise,  194 ;  demands  satis- 
faction of  Charles,  195 ;  follows 
Louise  to  Rome,  196 ;  ordered 
to  leave  Rome,  197 ;  Louise 
joins,  198  ;  death  of,  199. 

Allen,  James,  putative  son  of 
Charles  and  Louise,  192. 


Amours  de  Mile.  Fanficht, 
Charles  asks  for,  153. 

Anderson,  Robert,  of  Whitburgh, 
aids  Charles  at  Prestonpans,  65. 

Antibes,  Charles  at,  41. 

Antwerp,  Charles's  agent  at,  147  ; 
Charles  sails  for  London  from, 
148.  _ 

Aquaviva,  Cardinal,  furnishes 
Charles  with  passports,  40. 

Argenson,  Marquis  d',  communi- 
cates Louis  XV.'s  proposal  to 
Charles,  128. 

Aries,  Archbishop  of,  letter  of 
Queen  Mary  to,  10. 

Ashbourne,  Charles  retreats 
through,  72. 

Athalie,  Charles  asks  for,  153. 

Atholl,  William  titular  Duke  of, 
sails  to  Scotland  with  Charles, 
49,  50 ;  unfurls  the  Standard  at 
Glenfinnan,  55  ;  opposes  Lovat's 
advice,  58 ;  heads  a  column  into 
England,  68. 

Auchterarder,  burning  of,  14. 

Aumont,  Due  d',  James  III. 
said  to  have  stayed  in  London 
(1702)  with,  8. 

Avignon,  James  III.  at,  15,  30; 
Charles  writes  from,  130 ; 
Charles  at,  139 ;  Charles  ordered 
to  leave,  140;  Charles's  house- 
hold at,  broken  up,  155 ; 
Charles's  Highland  servants 
going  to,  169. 

BALMERINOCH,       Arthur     Lord, 

joins  Charles,  68. 
Bannockburn,  Charles  at,  75,  76, 

79.  156- 


208 


INDEX 


Barcelona,  Charles  at,  131. 

Bar-le-Duc,  James  III.  31(1713), 
ii  ;  James  returns  to  (1716),  15. 

Basel,  Charles  at,  167,  169. 

Bavaria,  Elector  of,  proposes  his 
daughter  to  James  III.,  16. 

Beauvoisin,  Charles  at,  139. 

Belle  Isle,  Charles  sails  from,  49. 

Benalder,  Charles  in,  116. 

Benbecula,  Charles  sails  to,  94, 
97  ;  Charles  in  danger  at,  99  ; 
Charles  returns  to,  103. 

Benedict  XIII.,  Pope,  Charles's 
rudeness  to,  25 ;  remonstrates 
with  James,  28 ;  Charles  re- 
peats his  Catechism  to,  29. 

Benedict  XIV.,  Pope,  his  monu- 
ment to  Clementina,  35 ;  forced 
to  abandon  Charles,  140 ;  grants 
James  a  dispensation  from  fast- 
ing, 172. 

"  Benn,"  Mr.,  Charles's  incognito, 
142. 

Berlin,  Charles  said  to  have  been 
at,  154- 

Berwick,  James  Duke  of,  writes 
to  James  III.  regarding  his 
marriage,  15,  16. 

Berwick,  troops  at,  56. 

Betham,  Dr.  John,  tutor  to 
James  III.,  suspected  of  Jan- 
senism, 8. 

"  Betty  Burke,"  Charles's  incog- 
nito, 102. 

Bien  Trouvee,  the,  cruises  in 
search  of  Charles,  115;  captured, 
116. 

Biran,  Due  de,  and  Charles's 
arrest  at  Paris,  138. 

Black  Isle,  Loudoun  retreats  to, 
81. 

Blair  Castle,  s_iege  of,  82. 

Blakeney,  Major-General  William, 
in  command  at  Stirling  Castle, 

Blandford,  Marquis  of,  his  as- 
serted visit  to  Charles(i72i),  22. 

Bolingbroke,  Henry  Viscount, 
effigy  of,  13. 

Bologna,  proxy  marriage  of 
James  III.  at,  18,  27;  James 
withdraws  from  Rome  to^  29 ; 
Charles  at,  36,  174  ;  Louise  of 
Stolberg  arrives  at,  187. 

Borradale,  Charles  lands  at,  54 ; 
returns  to,  93,  1 14. 


Bouillon,  Due  de,  Charles  the 
guest  of,  46,  170. 

Boulogne-sur-Mer,  Charles  be- 
lieved to  be  at,  153. 

Braemar,  Mar  raises  the  Standard 
at,  12. 

Burke,  Edward,  guides  Charles 
from  Culloden,  92. 

Byng,  Sir  George,  chases  Forbin 
from  the  Forth,  9. 

CAMERON,  Alexander,  of  Clunes, 
searches  for  Charles,  nq. 

Cameron,  Dr.  Archibald,  sent  to 
meet  Charles,  116;  Charles's 
proposal  to,  117  ;  summoned  (to 
meet  Charles  at  Menin,  159; 
arrest  and  death  of,  160. 

Cameron,  Donald,  of  Lochiel, 
summoned  by  Charles,  52  ;  visits 
Charles,  53  ;  agrees  to  raise  his 
clan,  54  ;  marches  to  Glenfinnan, 
55  ;  surprises  Edinburgh,  62, 63  ; 
wounded  at  Culloden,  86  ;  lurk- 
ing near  Loch  Arkaig,  98  ; 
Charles  joins,  in  Benalder,  116; 
opposes  Charles's  proposal  to 
raise  the  clans,  117. 

Cameron,Duncan,actsas  Charles's 
cook  in  Eriska,  50. 

Campbell,  Donald,  lends_  Charles 
his  boat  in  Scalpa,  95  ;  in  fear  of 
arrest,  97. 

Campbell,  Hon.  John,  of  Mamore, 
attempts  to  capture  Charles, 
99,  115- 

Caravajal.  Spanish  Minister,  re- 
ceives Charles  at  Madrid, 131,  132 

Carlisle,  Charles  marches  upon, 
68  ;  Charles  enters,  69  ;  Charles 
marches  from,  70,  75  ;  fall  of,  75. 

Carlos,  Don,  invades  the  Two 
Sicilies,  32  ;  receives  Charles  at 
Gaeta,  33. 

Cartouche,  Charles  writes  as,  144. 

Chalons-sur-Marne,  James  III. 
at,  10. 

Chambery,  Charles  at,  139. 

Charles  VI.,  Emperor,  his  sister 
or  niece  hoped  for  for  James  III., 
15  ;  death  of,  37. 

Charles  XII.,  King,  Johnson's 
elegy  on,  applicable  to  Charles, 
203. 

Charles  Edward  Stuart,  _  Prince, 
titular  Charles  III.,  his  char- 


INDEX 


209 


acter  in  romance  and  in  fact, 
21  ;  birth  of,  22  ;  reported  to  be 
deformed  and  sickly,  ib.  ;  pro- 
posal to  send  to  Scotland,  23 ; 
his  precocious  activity,  24 ; 
early  musical  tastes,  25 ;  his 
tutors,  ib. ;  is  received  by  the 
Pope,  ib.  ;  indifferent  to  reli- 
gion, 26  ;  says  his  Catechism  to 
the  Pope,  28 ;  Stafford  becomes 
his  tutor,  31  ;  his  appearance 
and  diversions  in  1727,  ib.  ;  said 
to  have  threatened  Lord  Dun- 
bar,  32  ;  at  the  Siege  of  Gaeta, 
33 ;  his  pluck,  ib.  ;  sails  to 
Naples,  34  ;  returns  to  Rome, 
ib.  ;  his  mother's  death,  35 ; 
Charles  and  his  father,  io.  ; 
makes  a  tour  of  Italy,  36  ;  plays 
the  violoncello,  37 ;  wears  High- 
land dress  at  a  carnival  ball,  38  ; 
invited  to  France  by  Tencin,  39  ; 
his  journey  thither,  ib. ;  at 
Gravelines,  41 ;  wreck  of  the 
French  transports,  42  ;  conceals 
himself  in  Paris,  ib ;  declares 
his  resolution  to  proceed  to 
Scotland,  43 ;  rashness  of  his 
project,  46 ;  informs  his  father 
of  it,  47  ;  his  equipment,  ib.  ; 
sails  from  Nantes,  48  ;  arrives  at 
Eriska,  50  ;  discouraging  recep- 
tion, 51 ;  crosses  to  Lochna- 
nuagh,  52;  conversation  with 
Lochiel,  53  ;  dismisses  the  Du 
Teillay,  54  ;  raises  the  Standard 
inGlenfinnan,  55;  reward  offered 
for  the  apprehension  of,  56 ; 
Lord  Lovat  communicates  with, 
57  ;  at  Lude,  59 ;  organizes  his 
army  at  Perth,  59  ;  advances  on 
Edinburgh,  60  ;  summons  Edin- 
burgh; 61  ;  enters  Edinburgh, 
63  ;  advances  to  meet  Cope,  64 ; 
returns  to  Edinburgh,  68  ;  ad- 
vances on  Carlisle,  ib. ;  enters 
Carlisle,  69  ;  advances  to  Derby, 
70  ;  reluctantly  agrees  to  retreat, 
72  ;  at  Glasgow,  75  ;  lays  siege 
to  Stirling  Castle,  76 ;  at  the 
battle  of  Falkirk,  77  ;  returns 
to  Bannockburn,  79  ;  sanctions 
retreat  from  Stirling,  80 ;  the 
"  rout  of  Moy,"  81  ;  captures 
Inverness,  ib.  :  the  night-march 
to  Nairn,  84  ;  the  battle  of  Cul- 
14 


loden,  85  ;  his  plans  and  conduct 
after  the  battle,  89  ;  his  flight  to 
the  coast,  92  ;  at  Borradale,  93  ; 
proposes  to  send  a  message  to 
Sir  Alexander  Macdonald,  94  ; 
his  voyage  to  Stornoway,  95  ; 
his  presence  revealed,  96 ;  sails 
to  Euirn,  ib.  ;  returns  to  Ben- 
becula,  97  ;  at  Coradale, 
in  South  Uist,  98 ;  sails  to 
Wiay,  but  returns  to  Cora- 
dale,  99 ;  parts  from  Donald 
Macleod  at  Loch  Boisdale,  100 ; 
meets  Flora  Macdonald,  101  ; 
plan  for  his  escape,  102  ;  dons 
his  disguise  as  "  Betty  Burke," 
103 ;  sails  to  Skye,  104 ;  Lady 
Margaret  Macdonald  gives  help, 
105 ;  proceeds  to  Kingsburgh, 
ro6 ;  at  Kingsburgh,  107  ;  pro- 
ceeds to  Portree,  109  ;  bids  fare- 
well to  Flora,  no;  sails  to 
Raasa,  but  doubles  back  to 
Skye,  in  ;  goes  on  foot  to 
Elgol,  ib.;  Old  Mackinnon gives 
help,  112;  returns  to  the  main- 
land, 113;  in  Borradale,  114; 
breaks  through  the  cordon  of 
troops,  115  ;  in  the  Glenmoris- 
ton  cave,  ib.  ;  hears  of  a  French 
ship,  116  ;  joins  Lochiel  in  Ben- 
alder,  ib.;  proposes  to  raise  the 
clans,  117;  moves  to  Cluny's 
"  Cage,"  ib.  ;  wild  rumours  of 
his  whereabouts,  118 ;  learns 
the  arrival  of  French  ships  in 
Lochnanuagh,  ib.  ;  goes  on 
board,  119;  sails  to  France, 
120 ;  his  moral  collapse  after 
the  '45,  122-124 ;  his  attitude 
towards  Rome,  125  ;  misunder- 
standing between  Prince  Henry 
and,  ib. ;  greets  Henry  on  his 
return,  126;  is  "broader  and 
fatter,"  ib,  :  received  by  Louis 
XV.,  ib.  ;  learns  the  hollowness 
of  France's  professions,  128 ; 
his  diplomatic  methods,  129 ; 
rejects  Tencin's  proposal  to  cede 
Ireland,  ib.  ;  marriage  projects, 
130 ;  leaves  Paris  for  Madrid, 
ib.  ;  is  desired  to  depart  from 
Madrid,  132  ;  returns  to  Paris, 
ib.  ;  estrangement  between 
Prince  Henry  and,  133;  James 
seeks  to  reconcile  him  to  Henry's 


2IO 


INDEX 


Cardinalate,  135  ;  under  petti- 
coat influence,  136  ;  required  to 
leave  France,  137  ;  is  arrested 
and  expelled,  138  ;  at  Avignon, 
139  ;  compelled  to  leave  Avig- 
non, 140  ;  in  Lorraine,  141  ; 
visits  Paris,  142  ;  at  Strassburg, 
ib.  ;  invites  the  Earl  Martschal 
to  write  to  him  at  Venice,  143  ; 
ordered  to  leave  yenice,  ib.:  his 
"nest"  in  Paris,  144;  asks 
Mile.  Ferrand  to  receive  his 
letters  there,  ib.  ;  his  relations 
with  Mme.  de  Talmond,  145, 
146  ;  financial  difficulties,  146  ; 
is  reading  Fielding's  novels,  ib.: 
resolves  to  visit  London,  147  ; 
his  preparations,  ib.:  his  com- 
mission as  Prince  Regent  re- 
newed, 148  ;  in  London,  ib.  ; 
becomes  a  Protestant,  ib. ;  his 
defence  of  that  step,  149  ;  leaves 
London  for  Paris,  151 ;  quarrels 
with  Mme.  de  Talmond,  ib.  ; 
disappears  from  Paris  and  is  lost 
sight  of,  152 ;  asks  for  books, 

153  ;  said  to  have  been  in  Berlin, 

154  ;  sounds  the  Earl  Marischal, 
ib.  ;  financial  difficulties,    155  ; 
closes  his  house  at  Avignon,  ib.; 
at    Ghent    as  the    "Chevalier 
William  Johnston, "  ib.:  Clemen- 
tina   Walkinshaw   joins     him, 
156,  158  ;  the  Elibank  plot,  158; 
Charles  ready  to  go  to  England, 
JS9  >  suggested  to  have  been  at 
Godalming,  160  ;  in  Paris,  ib.  ; 
alarmed    at  Archibald    Came- 
ron's arrest,  161 ;  wandering  in 
Flanders,     162 ;    birth    of    his 
daughter,  163  ;  takes  his  family 
to    Switzerland,    164 ;     Goring 
remonstrates  with,  165  ;  quarrels 
with  the  Earl  Ma_rischal,  166  ; 
at   Basel,   167 ;    his    disguises, 
168  ;  breaks  up    his  household 
at  Basel,  169 ;  asks  Louis  XV. 
to  help  him,   170 ;  Clementina 
leaves    him,    171  ;    invited    to 
Rome,  172  ;  sets  out  for  Rome, 
174  ;  the  Pope  refuses  to  recog- 
nize him  as  King,  ib.,  175  ;  his 
amusements  at  Rome,  175  ;  his 
treatment  of  Miss  Walkinshaw, 
180 ;    resumes  his  bad    habits, 
181  ;  has  audience  of  the  Pope, 


183 ;  his  marriage  suggested, 
184 ;  visits  Paris,  185  ;  marries 
Louise  of  Stolberg,  187 ;  his 
treatment  of  his  daughter  Char- 
lotte, 188-191  ;  Charles  again  re- 
lapses, 191 ;  his  putative  son, 
James  Allen,  192 ;  Louise  re- 
monstrates with,  193;  Louise 
leaves,  194  ;  Alfieri  and,  195  ; 
requests  the  Vatican  to  expel 
Alfieri,  196  ;  separation  between 
Louise  and,  198  ;  summons  his 
daughter  Charlotte,  200  ;  death 
of,  201  ;  his  will,  ib.  ;  Johnson's 
elegy  on  Charles  XII.  applicable 
tOj  203. 

Choiseul,  Etienne  Frangois  Due 
de,  Charles's  hiding  -  place  in 
Paris  revealed  to,  144. 

Ci_sterna,  Charles  arranges  a  hunt- 
ing party  at,  39. 

Clancarty,  Lord,  at  Paris,  132 ; 
Charles  s  refusal  to  put  away 
Miss  Walkinshaw  reported  by, 
169. 

Clarissa  Harlowe,  Charles  asks 
for,  153. 

Clement  XL,  Pope,  James  III. 
announces  his  father's  death  to, 
7 ;  James  announces  his 
majority  to,  8. 

Clement  XII.,  Pope,  gives  Charles 
his  blessing  on  his  departure 
to  Gaeta,  33. 

Clement  XIII.,  Pope,  refuses  to 
recognize  Charles  as  King,  174  ; 
Charles  visits,  183. 

Clementina  Maria  Sobieska,  Prin- 
cess, Wogan  recommends  her  as 
James  III.'s  wife,  17;  impri- 
soned at  Innsbruck,  ib.  ;  mar- 
ried to  James,  18,  19 ;  birth  of 
Charles,  22 ;  her  quarrel  with 
James,  24,  25  ;  birth  of  Prince 
Henry,  26 ;  leaves  James,  27, 
28  ;  returns  to  him,  29  ;  James 
joins  her  at  Rome,  30  ;  death  of, 
34  ;  monument  in  St.  Peter's,  35. 

Clifton,  skirmish  at,  74. 

Cluny's  "Cage,"  117. 

Coblentz,  Charles  at,  162. 

Cologne,  Charles  at,  161,  162. 

Colt  Brig,  the  "canter"  of,  61. 

Commercy,  Madame  de  Talmond 
retires  to,  152. 

Condillac,   Etienne     Bounot    de, 


INDEX 


2tl 


frequents  Mme.  de  Vasse's  salon, 
MS- 

Congleton,  Lord  George  Murray 
makes  a  feint  on,  71. 

Convent  of  St.  Joseph,  Charles's 
refuge  in  Paris,  144. 

Convent  of  the  Ursuhnes,  Clemen- 
tina seeks  refuge  in,  27  ;  Louise 
withdraws  to,  196. 

Cope,  Sir  John,  his  campaign 
against  Charles,  56,  57,  58,  60, 
61,  62,  64,  66,  67. 

Coradale,  Charles  at,  98  ;  Charles 
returns  to,  99,  101,  102. 

Corryarrack,  Pass  of,  Cope  de- 
clines to  force  the,  57  ;  Charles's 
army  marches  through  the,  58. 

Corsini,  Prince,  represents 
Charles's  wishes  to  Pius  VI., 
197. 

Corstorphine,  Charles  at,  61. 

Cullen,  Cumberland  advances  to, 
82. 

Culloden,  battle  of,  85. 

Cumberland,  William  Augustus 
Duke  of,  his  campaign  in  Scot- 
land, 68,  70,  72,  73,  75,  82,  83, 
85,  113,  114. 

DALWHINNIK,   Cope  marches  to, 

Dawkins,     James,     describes 
Charles's  irregular  life,  169. 

De  Brosses,  Charles,  his  opinion 
of  James  III.,  7;  his  story  of 
Charles's  hat,  34  ;  attends  one 
of  Charles's  musical  evenings, 

Deffand,  Madame  du,  frequents 
Mme.  de  Vasse's  salon,  145. 

Derby,  Charles  marches  to,  71  ; 
retreats  from,  72. 

Deux-Ponts,  Due  de,  suggested 
marriage  between  Charles  and  a 
daughter  of,  184. 

Didelot,  M.,  Charles's  host  in 
Paris,  185. 

Dijon,  Charles  at,  142. 

Dormer,  Hon.  James,  Charles's 
agent  at  Antwerp,  147 ;  refuses 
to  allow  Charles  to  overdraw 
his  account,  154  ;  asked  to  send 
Charles  newspapers,  162  ;  warns 
Charles  to  leave  Liege,  164. 

Douai,  Clementina  Walkinshaw 
goes  to,  157. 


"Douglas,  John,"  Charles's  in- 
cognito, 185. 

Doutelle,  the,  vide  Du  Teillay. 

Drummond,  Ixsrd  John,  brings  re- 
inforcements from  France,  75 ; 
withdraws  from  Spey  -  side, 
82. 

Drummond,  William,  of  Balhaldy, 
represents  the  Jacobites  in 
France,  39. 

Duddingston,  Charles  draws  up 
his  army  at,  64. 

Dudepet,  Monsieur,  made  prisoner 
while  searching  for  Charles,  115. 

Dunbar,  Cope  lands  at,  and 
marches  upon  Edinburgh,  61, 
62,  64. 

Dunkirk,  James  III.  sails  from 
(1708),  9;  French  expedition 
fitted  out  at  (1744),  41,  42. 

Durand,  Colonel,  in  command  at 
Carlisle,  69. 

Du  Teillay,  the,  provided  for 
Charles  by  Walsh,  48  ;  log  of, 
49  ;  conveys  Charles  to  Loch- 
nanuagh,  52  ;  returns  to  France, 
54- 


EAU,  Captain  d',  engages  the 
Lion,  49. 

Edgar,  James,  letter  of,  31  ; 
miniature  of  Clementina  belong- 
ing to,  34  ;  Charles  describes  his 
equipment  (1745)10, 47  ;  Charles 
writes  to,  regarding  his  journey 
to  Venice,  143  ;  Pickle  writes 
to,  concerning  the  Elibank  plot, 
160. 

Edinburgh,  summoned  by  Charles, 
61 ;  surprized  by  Lochiel,  62  ; 
Charles  enters,  63 ;  Hawley 
marches  to  Falkirk  from,  76. 

Elcho,  David  Lord,  accuses 
Charles  of  cowardice,  33  ;  joins 
Charles  at  Edinburgh,  64  ; 
accompanies  Charles  into  Eng- 
land, 68  ;  demands  repayment 
of  a  loan  from  Charles,  180. 

Elgol,  Charles  at,  112. 

Elibank  plot,  the,  158. 

Elizabeth,  the,  to  accompany 
Charles  to  Scotland,  48  ;  fights 
the  Lion,  49  ;  returns  to  France, 
S.o. 

Eriska,  Charles  lands  at,  50. 


212 


INDEX 


L'Esfirit    ties  Lois,  Charles  asks 

for,  153. 
Euirn,  Charles  at,  96. 

FABRE,  the  painter,  succeeds  Alfieri 
in  Louise's  affections,  199. 

Falkirk,  Hawley  evacuates,  79. 

Falkirk,  battle  of,  76. 

Fane,  Mr.,  prevents  Florence  from 
publicly  receiving  Charles,  36. 

Faure,  Jean,  dancing-master  to 
James  III.,  31. 

Ferdinand  VI.,  King,  Charles 
sends  a  letter  to,  131  ;  Charles 
received  by,  132. 

Fergusson,  Captain  John,  at  Nun- 
ton,  104. 

Ferrand,  Mademoiselle,  Charles 
writes  to,  144 ;  Mme.  de  Tal- 
mond  jealous  of,  145;  asked  to 
procure  books  for  Charles,  146  ; 
offers  Charles  a  hiding-place, 
152  ;  asked  to  obtain  more  books 
for  Charles,  153 ;  death  of,  158. 

Ferrara,  Charles  at,  36. 

"  Fifteen,"  the,  12-15. 

Finsbay,  Charles  alarmed  by  ships 
off,  97. 

Fitzjames,  Due  de,  letter  to,  33  ; 
Charles  negotiates  with,  regard- 
ing his  marriage,  184. 

Flanders,  Charles's  wanderings  in, 
162. 

Fleury,  Cardinal,  death  of,  39. 

Florence,  Charles  at,  36,  184,  185, 
192  ;  GustavusIII.  visits  Charles 
at,  197 ;  Louise  and  Alfieri  settle 
at,  199. 

Forbes,  Duncan,  Lord  President, 
informed  of  Charles's  arrival  in 
Scotland,  56 ;  Lovat  in  corre- 
spondence with,  58. 

Forbin,  Comte  de,  conducts 
James  III.  to  Scotland,  9. 

Fort  Augustus,  Cope  unable  to 
reach,  57 ;  besieged  by  the 
Frasers,  75  ;  surrenders,  82  ;  ex- 
pected rally  after  Culloden  at, 
89-91  ;  Cumberland  at,  113 ; 
troops  in  search  of  Charles 
return  to,  114. 

Fort  William,  troops  cut  off  on 
their  way  to,  57  ;  withstands  a 
siege,  82. 

Forth,  Firth  of,  James  III.  arrives 
at,  9. 


Frankfort-on-the-Main, Charles  at, 
162. 

Fraser  of  Gortleg,  brings  a  mes- 
sage from  Lovat  to  Charles,  57. 

Frederick  the  Great,  King,  said  to 
have  received  Charles  at  Berlin, 
154  ;  Jacobites  have  hopes  of, 
164 ;  believes  that  France  in- 
tends to  employ  Charles,  170. 

Frew,  Fords  of,  Charles  crosses 
the,  60. 

Fribourg,  suggested  for  Charles's 
residence,  137. 

Furnes,  Charles  at,  160. 

GAETA,  Charles  at  the  siege  of,  32, 

Gardiner,  Colonel,  house  of,  65. 

Gaydon,  Mr.,  aids  Clementina's 
escape  from  Innsbruck,  18. 

Gehegan,  Mr.,  aids  Louise  to 
escape  from  Charles,  194  ;  de- 
mands an  apology  from  Charles, 
195. 

Genoa,  Charles  at,  36,  40. 

George  I.,  protest  against  the 
accession  of,  12  ;  death  of,  30. 

George  II.,  King,  accession  of,  30; 
loyal  addresses  to,  67. 

George  III.,  King,  sends  his 
compliments  to  a  Perthshire 
Jacobite,  178;  grants  a  pension 
to  Cardinal  York,  202. 

George  IV.,  King,  his  monument 
to  the  Stuarts  in  St.  Peter's, 
178,  202. 

Geraldine,  Sir  Thomas,  Charles 
communicates  with,  131  ;  con- 
ducts Charles  from  Madrid,  132. 

Gevres,  Due  de,  endeavours  to 
induce  Charles  to  leave  Paris, 

J37- 

Ghent,  Charles  takes  a  house  at, 
155 ;  Clementina  Walkinshaw 
joins  Charles  at,  156  ;  Charles 
writes  from,  161. 

Giffard,  Mr.,  asserts  James  III. 
to  have  been  in  London  in 
1702,  8. 

Glam,  Charles  arrives  at,  in. 

Glasgow,  Charles  at,  75. 

Glasgow,  H.M.S.,  116. 

Glenaladale,  Charles  at,  55,  119. 

Glencannich,  Charles  at,  116. 

Glen  Dessary,  116. 

Glenfinnan,    Charles     raises    the 


INDEX  213 

Standard  at,  55  ;  sets  out  from,  his  adventures  in  London  (1750) 

57.  to,     148;      visits     Charles     at 

Glenmoriston,  Charles  in  the  braes  Florence,  197,  198. 

of,  115,  116. 

Glenpean,  Charles  at,  92.  HABEAS  CORPUS  ACT,  suspension 

Glenshiel,  battle  of,  19 ;  Charles  of,  67. 

passes  through,  115.  Haddington,  Cope  encamps  at,  64. 
Godalming,  Charles  supposed  to  Hamerani,  Otto,  his  medal  corn- 
have  been  at,  160.  memorating    Clementina's     es- 
Gordon,  Principal  John,  Charles's  cape,  18. 
daughter  enlists  the  sympathy  Handasyde,  Major-General,  occu- 
of,  188, 189;  his  letter  to  Charles,  pies  Stirling,  70. 
190.  Hawley,   Lieut.-General    Henry, 
Gordon,  Lord  Lewis,  at  Aberdeen,  succeeds  Cope  in  the  command 
75.  in  Scotland,  76 ;    retreats  from 
Gordon,   Mirabelle  de,  plans  the  Falkirk,  79. 

assault  of  Stirling  Castle,  76.  Hay,  John,  titular  Earl  of  Inver- 
Gordon   of  Glenbucket,   his  regi-  ness,  opposes  the  idea  of  sending 
ment      enters     England      with  Charles  to  Scotland,  23  ;  Clem- 
Charles,  69.  entina  hostile  to,  24 ;    believes 
Gordon,  Dr.,  letter  of  Charles  to,  Mrs.   Sheldon  to   be  the  cause 
171.  of    Clementina's    estrangement 
Goring,       Henry,      accompanies  from  James,   27 ;   James  parts 
Charles    on     his    Italian     tour  with,     29;     at     Avignon,  ^30; 
(r737)>  36  ;  Charles  leaves  Avig-  James  announces   Clementina's 
non  with,  140;  sent  to  Paris  by  illness  to,  35. 
Charles,  142;  carries  letters  to  Hay,  John,  Mrs.,  Clementina  sus- 
the  Earl  Marischal,   143  ;    sent  piclous  of,  27 ;  receives  Charles 
to  London  to  get  money,  146 ;  at  Avignon,  139. 
arranges   for  Charles's  expedi-  Hay,  John,  of  Restalrig,  dismissed 
tion  at  Antwerp,  147  ;  letter  to  by  Charles,  184. 
Charles  from,  152  ;  sounds  the  Henry  Benedict  Stuart,    Prince, 
Earl   Marischal  at  Paris,   154;  Cardinal  York,   titular    Henry 
objects  to  bringing  Miss  Walk-  IX.,  birth  of,   26;    description 
inshaw    to   Charles,   157,    158  ;  of,  31 ;   a  "  thoughtful "  child, 
warns  Charles  to  leave  Cologne,  35  ;  his  musical  tastes,  38 ;  sends 
161 ;    Charles    writes   to,    163  ;  ships  to  search  for  Charles  in 
condemns     Charles's    conduct,  Scotland,  118;  Charles's  relations 
164-166  ;  death  of,  167.  with,    125  ;    Charles  announces 
Gortleg,  Charles  at,  89,  92.  his   return    from    Scotland   to, 
Graeme,  John,   Prince  Henry  to  126  ;   writes  to  James  describ- 
consult,  126;  describes  Charles's  ing  Charles's  appearance,  127; 
appearance  on  his  return  from  marriage    of,    suggested,    130 ; 
Scotland,    127  ;    Charles  in  his  Charles  announces  his  journey 
house  at  Paris,  163.  to  Spain  to,  ib.  ;  his  relations 
Grant      of    Glenmoriston,    joins  with  Charles,  133 ;  James  orders 
Charles  at  Holyrood,  64.  him    to    leave     France,     134 ; 
Grante,    Colonel    James,    brings  secretly     leaves      Paris,     ib. ; 
guns  from  France,  69.  created     Cardinal,     135 ;     begs 
Gravelines,  Charles  at,  41,  42.  Charles    to    return    to    Rome, 
Gray's  Mills,  Charles  encamps  at,  172 ;  resigns  James's  legacy  to 
61.  Charles,    174 ;     fails  to  induce 
Greathead,  Mr.,  visits  Charles  at  the  Papacy  to  recognize  Charles 
Rome,  200.  as  King,   ib.  ;  secures  an   ad- 
Guadalajara,  Charles  at,  131,  132.  mission  from  Miss  Walkinshaw 
Gustavus  III.,  King,  Charles  tells  that   Charles   had  not   married 


2i4 


INDEX 


her,  180  ;  refuses  to  help  Lord 
Elcho  to  recover  his  loan  from 
Charles,  181  ;  deplores  Charles's 
bad  habits,  ib.  ;  takes  Charles 
to  visit  Clement  XIII.,  183; 
induces  Charles  to  leave  Flor- 
ence,  185  ;  receives  Louise  at 
Rome,  196;  visits  Charles  at 
Florence,  197  ;  surrenders  his 
share  of  the  Sobieski  jewels  to 
Charles,  198  ;  induces  Charles 
to  return  to  Rome,  201  ;  death 
of,  202. 

Hesse  Darmstadt,  Landgrave  of, 
Charles  proposes  for  the  hand 
of  the  daughter  of  the,  140. 

L'Heureux,  the,  fitted  out  for 
Charles's  rescue,  118;  Charles 
sails  from  Scotland  in,  120. 

Hughes,  Mrs.,  Charles's  nurse, 
23,  30. 

T,r-<.      'TT-,,,vr,,-1     T  ITI 

ILES  D  HYERKS,  James   III.  at, 


'  at     3  ; 
seek  refreshment'  before  Cullo- 

In^iAirmish  at,  75. 

JAMES  II.,  rules  for  his  son's  up- 
bringing,  5  ;  death  of,  7. 

James  Francis  Stuart,  the  Old 
Pretender,  titular  James  III., 
brought  up  in  a  French  atmo- 
sphere,  4  ;  rules  for  his  upbring- 
ln£i  5  !  his  father's  death,  7  ; 
his  asserted  visit  to  London  in 
1702,  ib.',  announces  his  majority 
to  the  Pope,  8;  his  expedi- 
tion  to  Scotland  in  1708,  9  ;  in 
Flanders,  ip;  withdraws  from 
St.  Germains  to  Chalons-sur- 
Marne,  ib.  ;  retires  to  Bar-le- 
Duc,  ii  ;  Leslie's  picture  of 
him,  ib.  ;  protests  against 
George  I.'s  accession,  12  ;  lands 
in  Scotland,  14;  his  Adieu  to 
Scotland,  15;  returns  to  Bar- 


le-Duc,  ib.  ;  marriage  projects, 
26.,  17;  his  marriage  with  Prin- 
cess  Clementina  Spbieska,  18, 
19  ;  James  in  Spain,  ib.  ;  an- 
nounces  Charles's  birth,  22; 
Charles's  upbringing  in  Scot- 
land  mooted  to,  23  ;  not  intoler- 
ant  in  religion,  24;  takes  Charles 
to  see  the  Pope,  25  ;  quarrel 
with  Clementina,  27  ;  retires  to 
Bologna,  28  ;  dismisses  Hay, 
29  ;  visits  Lorraine,  30  ;  joins 
Clementina  at  Rome,  ib.  ;  sends 
Charles  to  Gaeta,  33  ;  death  of 
his  wife,  35  ;  little  in  common 
between  Charles  and,  ib.  ;  sends 
Charles  upon  an  Italian  tour, 
36;  hopelessness  of  his  affairs 
in  1720,  37  ;  appoints  Murray  of 
Broughton  his  agent  in  Scot- 
land,  38  ;  sends  Charles  to 
France,  39  ;  Charles  announces 
his  arrival  to,  41;  Charles  re- 
ports  his  discou4raging  situation 

no  Lws.Char.es  in  ScoUand 
~          "*    *  * 


Madrid  to,  131  ;  summons 
Henry  from  Paris,  134;  en- 
deavours  to  reconcile  Charles 
to  Henry's  Cardinalate,  135  ; 
fails  to  induce  Charles  to  leave 
France,  137  ;  renews  Charles's 
commission  as  Prince  Regent, 
148  ;  believes  Charles  to  be  at 
Boulogne  -  sur  •  Mer,  153;  ad- 
monishes  Charles,  168  ;  death 
of,  172  ;  funeral  of,  173  ;  his  will, 
174. 

"Johnson,  Chevalier  William," 
Charles's  incognito,  155. 

Johnstone,  Chevalier  de,  his  ac- 
cusation  of  cowardice  against 
Charles,  33  ;  joins  Charles  at 
Perth,  59. 

Joseph,  Emperor,  daughter  of, 
proposed  for  Charles,  15. 


INDEX 


215 


Joseph.  Andrews,  Charles  pro- 
cures, 146. 

KEITH,  Field-Marshal  James,  at 
Glenshiel,  19  ;  expected  in  Scot- 
land with  Swedish  troops,  159. 

Kelly,  Rev.  George,  accompanies 
Charles  to  Scotland,  49. 

Kendal,  Cumberland  advances  to, 
73- 

Kennedy,  Major  Thomas,  sent  to 
Scotland  to  recover  the  Loch 
Arkaig  treasure,  146 ;  under 
orders  to  accompany  Charles  to 
London,  147. 

Keysler,  Jphann,  his  description  of 
Clementina,  34. 

Kilbride,  Charles  lands  at,  105. 

Kildun,  Charles  at,  95. 

Kilmarnock,  William  Earl  of,  his 
cavalry  regiment,  68. 

King,  Dr.  William,  meets  Charles 
in  London  (1750),  148,  149  ; 
accuses  Charles  of  miserliness, 
181. 

Kingsburgh,  Charles  at,  107. 

Kinloch  Moidart,  Charles  at,  54. 

Kyle  Stuley,  Charles  at,  99. 

LAPOMPADOUK,  Madame,  Charles 

reconciled  to,  170. 
Layer,  Christopher,  his  plot,  23. 
Leghorn,  Charles  at,  36,  192. 
Leslie,  Rev.  Charles,  his  account 

of  James  III.  at  Bar-le-Duc,  n. 
"Lewie  Caw,"  Charles's  incognito, 

in. 
Lichfield,  Cumberland's   base  at, 

71- 
Liege,   Charles  takes  a  house  at, 

162  ;   his  daughter  baptized  at, 

163  ;    Charles  warned  to  leave, 
164. 

Ligny,  Charles  to  proceed  to  Paris 

from,  142. 
Ligonier,  Sir  John,  awaits  Charles 

in  the  Midlands,  70. 
Linlithgow,  Charles  at,  60. 
L,ion,  H.M.S.,  engagement  with 

the  Elizabeth,  49,  50. 
Liria,   Due    de,    visits  James   at 

Rome,  31 ;    invites  Charles   to 

Gaeta,   32 ;    praises     Charles's 

conduct,  33. 
Loch    Arkaig,    Donald    Macleod 

sent  to,  98  ;  Charles  at,  116, 119. 


Loch  Boisdale,  Charles  sails  to, 
99,  100 ;  French  ships  arrive  at, 
118. 

Loch  Broom,  Charles  believed  to 
be  at,  115. 

Loch  Maddy,  Charles  alarmed  by 
ships  at,  97. 

Lochnanuagh,  Charles  arrives  at, 
52  ;  sails  from,  94  ;  French  ships 
arrive  at,  119  ;  Charles  sails  to 
France  from,  120. 

Loch  Nevis,  Charles  sails  to,  113, 
"5- 

Loch  Quoich,  Charles  at,  119. 

Loch  Shiel,  Charles  at, 96. 

Loch  Uskavagh,  Charles  lands  at, 
97  ;  sails  to  Skye  from,  104. 

Lockhart,  George,  of  Carnwath, 
complaint  against  James  III., 
27 ;  James  writes  to,  regarding 
Hay,  29 ;  despairs  of  the 
Jacobite  cause  in  1728,  30. 

London,  Charles  is  resolved  to  go 
to,  147  ;  his  visit  to,  148. 

Lorraine,  Duke  of,  interests  him- 
self in  James  III.'s  marriage, 
15-  . 

Lorraine,  James  III.  in,  30 ; 
Charles  finds  shelter  in,  141,  142, 

152,  155- 

Loudoun,  John  Earl  of,  his  cam- 
paign in  Scotland,  56,  66,  75, 
So,  81,  82. 

Louis  XIV.,  King,  James  III.  en- 
joined to  show  gratitude  to,  4,  7. 

Louis  XV.,King,  expresses  "great 
tenderness  "  towards  Charles,  41; 
Charles  anxious  to  see,  126 ; 
receives  Charles  at  Versailles, 
127,  128  ;  Charles  protests  to, 
against  his  expulsion  from 
France,  137  ;  signs  the  order 
for  Charles's  expulsion,  138  ; 
Charles  asks  help  from,  170 ; 
refuses  to  restore  Clementina 
Walkinshaw  to  Charles,  171  ; 
encourages  Charles's  matri- 
monial schemes,  185. 

Louise,  Princess,  of  Stolberg,  a 
canoness  at  Mons,  186 ;  her 
marriage  to  Charles,  187 ; 
Charles  devoted  to,  191  ;  Alfieri 
attracted  by,  193 ;  Charles's 
brutal  treatment  of,  194  ;  leaves 
Charles,  ib. :  enlists  Cardinal 
York's  sympathy,  195  ;  deed  of 


2l6 


INDEX 


separation  from  Charles,  198  ; 
joins  Alfieri  at  Colmar,  ib.  ; 
visits  Napoleon  and  the  English 
Court,  198  ;  death  of,  zb. 

Lovat,  Simon  Lord,  sends  a  mes- 
sage to  Charles,  57 ;  meets 
Charles  at  Gprtleg,  92. 

Loyal  Associations  in  1715,  13. 

Lucca,  Charles  at,  36. 

Lude,  Charles  at,  59. 

Lumisden,  Andrew,  meets  Charles, 
174  ;  writes  to  Clementina 
Walkinshaw,  180  ;  dismissed  by 
Charles,  184. 

Luneville,  Charles  at,  141,  142, 
146,  163. 

MACAULAY,  Rev.  John,  gives  in- 
formation of  Charles's  where- 
abouts, 96. 

Macdonald,  jEneas,  accuses 
Louis  XV.  of  neglecting  Charles, 
41  ;  accompanies  Charles  to 
Scotland,  49 ;  sends  Donald 
Macleod  to  pilot  Charles  to  the 
Long  Island,  93. 

Macdonald,  ./Eneas,  of  Dalilea, 
visits  Charles,  52. 

Macdonald,  Alexander,  of  Bois- 
dale,  advises  Chad's  to  return 
to  France,  51  ;  visits  Charles  in 
Coradale,  98. 

Macdonald,  Alexander,  of  Glena- 
ladale,  visits  Charles  at  Loch- 
nanuagh,  52 ;  summoned  by 
Charles,  114  ;  goes  on  board  the 
French  ships  in  Lochnanuagh, 
119. 

Macdonald,  Alexander,  of  Glencoe, 
agrees  to  raise  his  clan,  54. 

Macdonald,  Alexander,  of  Kep- 
poch,  agrees  to  raise  his  clan,  54  ; 
arrives  at  Glenfinnan,  55;  com- 
mences hostilities,  57 ;  arrives  on 
the  eve  of  Culloden,  83  ;  death 
of,  87. 

Macdonald,  Alexander,  of  Kings- 
burgh,  at  Monkstat,  105  ;  agrees 
to  conduct  Charles  to  Portree, 
106 ;  Charles  at  the  house  of, 
107  ;  Charles  bids  farewell  to, 
no,  in. 

Macdonald,  Alexander,  Mrs., 
entertains  Charles,  107. 

Macdonald,  Sir  Alexander,  of 
Sleat,  Charles  counts  on  the 


support  of,  51,  94 ;  attends 
Cumberland,  101,  105. 

Macdonald,  Lady  Margaret,  gives 
help  to  Charles,  105. 

Macdonald,  Angus,  of  Borradale, 
entertains  Charles,  54  ;  Charles 
wears  the  clothes  of,  93  ;  his  son 
provides  a  boat  for  Charles,  94  ; 
again  entertains  Charles,  114. 

Macdonald,  Angus,  of  Eriska, 
Charles  entertained  by,  50. 

Macdonald,  Angus,  of  Kinloch 
Moidart,  joins  Charles,  51,  52. 

Macdonald,  Captain  Donald  Roy, 
atMonkstat,  105  ;  agrees  to  help 
Charles  to  Raasa,  106 ;  awaits 
Charles  at  Portree,  109  ;  lends 
Charles  his  kilt,  no. 

Macdonald,  Flora,  visits  her 
brother  at  Milton,  100  ;  meets 
Charles,  101  ;  her  step-father 

gives  her  passports,  102  ;  joins 
harles  at  Rossinish,  103  ;  sails 
to  Skye,  104 ;  enlists  Lady 
Margaret  Macdonald's  help, 
105 ;  accompanies  Charles  to 
Kingsburgh,  106 ;  cuts  a  lock 
of  Charles's  hair,  TOO  ;  Charles 
bids  farewell  to,  no. 

Macdonald,  Captain  Hugh,  of 
Armadale,  an  officer  of  the  Skye 
militia,  100 ;  gives  passports  to 
Flora  Macdonald,  102. 

Macdonald,  Hugh,  Mrs.,  Charles 
recommended  as  a  "  good 
spinster  "  to,  102. 

Macdonald,  Hugh,  of  Balshair, 
warns  Charles  of  his  danger  at 
Coradale,  99;  proposal  that  he 
should  conduct  Charles  to 
safety,  103. 

Macdonald,  Hugh,  of  Morar,  in- 
quires as  to  Charles's  equip- 
ment, 52;  Charles  visits,  113. 

Macdonald,  Sir  John,  accompanies 
Charles  to  Scotland,  49  ;  ap- 
pointed Instructor  of  Cavalry, 

59- 

Macdonald,  Mrs.  John,  of  Kirki- 
bost,  with  Charles  at  Ros- 
sinish (?),  103  ;  accompanies 
Charles  from  Monkstat,  106. 

Macdonald,  Ranald,  of  Clan- 
ranald,  unable  to  help  Charles, 

"3- 
Macdonald,    Lady,     Charles    re- 


INDEX 


217 


solves  to  enlist  the  help  of,  99 ; 
joins  Charles  at  Rossinish,  103  ; 
returns  to  Nunton,  104. 

Macdonald,  Ranald,  younger  of 
Clanranald,  visits  Charles  at 
Lochnanuagh,  52 ;  goes  on 
board  the  French  ships  in  Loch- 
nanuagh,  119. 

Macdonell,  Alastair,  of  Glengarry 
("Pickle"),  commences  his 
career  as  a  spy,  157  ;  reveals  the 
Elibank  plot,  159,  160 ;  meets 
Charles  at  Paris,  161  ;  at  Ter- 
nan,  162  ;  accompanies  Charles 
to  Paris,  163 ;  describes  Charles's 
disguises,  168. 

Macdonell,  Angus,  of  Glengarry, 
joins  Charles,  58. 

Macdonell,  Donald,  of  Lochgarry, 
joins  Charles,  58  ;  sent  to  Charles 
by  Lochiel,  116;  Charles's  pro- 
posal to,  117  ;  sent  to  Scotland 
by  Charles,  159  ;  brings  back  a 
report  to  Charles,  162. 

Macdonell,  Donald,  of  Scotus, 
agrees  to  raise  his  clan,  54. 

Macdonell,  John,  of  Glengarry, 
agrees  to  raise  his  clan,  54 ; 
sends  his  son  to  lead  the  clan, 
58. 

Macdonell  of  Barrisdale,  his  ac- 
cusation against  Glengarry,  58  ; 
goes  on  board  the  French  ships 
in  Lochnanuagh,  119. 

Maceachain,  Neil,  accompanies 
Flora  Macdonald  to  Nunton, 

101  ;  bears  a  message  to  Charles, 

102  ;    pilots  Charles    to  Wiay, 
103 ;     accompanies      Flora    to 
Monkstat,  105 ;  guides  Charles 
towards      Kingsburgh,       106 ; 
Charles  bids  farewell  to,  no. 

Macerata,  marriage  of  Charles  and 
Louise  at,  187. 

Mackenzie,  Mrs.,  of  Arnish,  gives 
Charles  shelter,  95. 

Mackinnon,  John,  of  Elgol,  shel- 
ters Charles,  in,  112  ;  conducts 
Charles  to  Mallaig,  113;  made 
prisoner,  114. 

Mackinnon,  Laird  of,  helps 
Charles  to  the  mainland,  112, 
113;  made  prisoner,  114. 

Mackintosh,  Brigadier  William, 
of  Borlum,  Inverness  taken  by, 

12. 


Mackintosh,  Lady,  entertains 
Charles  at  Moy,  80,  81. 

Macky,  John,  declares  James  1 1 1. 
to  have  visited  London  (1702), 
8. 

Maclachlan,  Laird  of,  joins 
Charles,  64  ;  at  Culloden,  86. 

Maclean  of  Drimnin,  killed  at 
Culloden,  86. 

Macleod,  Alexander,  aide-de- 
camp to  Charles,  his  letter  to 
Cluny,  89,  90. 

Macleod,  Donald,  Charles's  pilot, 
93-100. 

Macleod,  John,  younger  of  Raasa, 
Charles  requires  his  assistance, 
106  ;  awaits  Charles  at  Portree, 
IOQ. 

Macleod,  Captain  Malcolm, 
awaits  Charles  at  Portree,  109  ; 
accompanies  Charles  to  Raasa, 
no;  guides  Charles  to  Elgol, 
111-113. 

Macleod,  Laird  of,  Charles  counts 
upon  the  support  of,  51 ;  some 
of  his  clan  join  Charles,  55  ; 
gives  information  of  Charles's 
arrival  in  Scotland,  56  ;  Charles 
desires  to  send  a  message  to,  94. 

Macleod,  Lieutenant,  his  visit  to 
Monkstat,  105. 

Macpherson,  Alexander,  brings 
news  of  the  French  ships'  ar- 
rival to  Charles,  118. 

Macpherson,  Ewen,  of  Cluny,  ac- 
companies Charles  into  Eng- 
land, 69 ;  sent  to  reinforce  Lord 
George  Murray  at  Clifton,  73  ; 
absent  from  Culloden,  85;  bidden 
to  join  Charles  at  Fort  Augustus, 
89  ;  Lord  George  Murray's  let- 
ter to,  91;  his  "Cage"  in 
Benalder,  117;  Charles's  letter 
to,  on  his  departure  from  Scot- 
land, 120;  Charles  summons 
him  to  France,  168  ;  admonishes 
Charles  regarding  Clementina 
Walkinshaw,  169. 

Madrid,  James  III.  at,  19; 
Charles  visits,  131. 

Mallaig,  Charles  lands  near,  113. 

Manchester,  Charles  marches  to, 
70. 

Manchester  Regiment,  the,  71. 

Mann,  Sir  Horace,  reports 
Charles's  departure  from  Rome, 


218 


INDEX 


40 ;  letters  of,  127,  128  ;  employs 
spies  to  follow  Charles's  dis- 
carded servants,  169 ;  his  ac- 
count of  James  III.'s  illness, 
172 ;  reports  the  Papacy's  re- 
fusal to  recogni.-'e  Charles,  174  ; 
receives  assurances  regarding 
Charles's  audience  of  Clement 
XIII.,  183 ;  asserts  Charles's 
reason  for  remaining  at  Flor- 
ence, 185  ;  reports  that  Charles 
has  resumed  his  bad  habits,  191  ; 
reports  Charles's  brutal  treat- 
ment of  his  wife,  194  ;  reports 
Louise's  reception  at  Rome,  196; 
describes  the  terms  of  deed  of 
separation  between  Charles  and 
Louise,  198 ;  reports  Charles's 
failing  health,  200. 

Mar,  John  Earl  of,  raises  the 
Standard,  12;  effigy  of,  13; 
letter  of  James  III.  to,  23 ; 
loses  James's  favour,  25  ;  sup- 
posed to  be  Clementina's  ad- 
viser, 27. 

Marischal,  George  Earl,  thinks 
Charles  "out  of  hand,"  32  ;  op- 
poses Charles's  proposal  to  go 
alone  to  Scotland,  42  ;  Charles 
corresponds  with,  142,  143 ; 
Charles  sends  Goring  to  sound, 
*54>  I55  >  advises  Charles  as  to 
his  movements,  161;  quarrels 
with  Charles,  166. 

Marseilles,  James  III.  at,  18. 

Marsolan,  Mons.,  surgeon  to  the 
Due  d'OrUans,  138. 

Mary  of  Modena,  Queen,  letters 
of,  9,  10 ;  visit  of  James  III.  to, 
15 ;  her  care  for  the  Convent  of 
the  Ursulines  at  Rome,  27. 

Massa,  Charles  at,  40. 

Maurepas,  Comte  de,  remonstrates 
with  Charles,  137. 

Maxwell,  James,  of  Kirkconnell, 
his  account  of  the  retreat  from 
Derby,  72. 

Mayence,  Charles's  letters  sent 
through,  153. 

Mazarin,  Mile,  de,  proposed  for 
Prince  Henry,  130. 

Meaux,  Clementina  Walkinshaw 
and  her  daughter  enter  the 
Abbey  at,  171. 

Menin,  Charles  at,  159. 

Milan,  Charles  at,  36. 


Milton,  Flora  Macdonald  at,  100. 

Minorca,  Charles  said  to  have 
been  offered  command  of  attack 
on,  170. 

Missel,  Mrs.,  helps  Clementina  to 
escape  from  Innsbruck,  18. 

Mittie,  Mons.,  Charles  the  guest 
of,  142. 

Modena,  Due  de,  daughter  of, 
proposed  for  Charles,  130. 

Monkstat,  Flora  Macdonald  visits, 
105,  106. 

Mons,  Louise  of  Stolberg  at,  186. 

Montagu,  Lady  Mary  Wortley, 
her  story  regarding  Clementina 
and  Benedict  XIV.,  35. 

Montefiascone,  James  III.'s  mar- 
riage at,  19. 

Montespan,  Madame  de,  her 
Convent  of  St.  Joseph,  144. 

Montesquieu,  Charles  Louis,  fre- 
quents Mme.  de  Vasse's  salon, 
145  ;  Charles  desires  to  read  his 
L,' Esprit  des  Lois,  153  ;  Charles 
hopes  to  borrow  money  from, 
ISS-. 

Morlaix,  Charles  writes  from,  126. 

Moy,  the  "  rout "  of,  80. 

Murlaggan,  rally  of  the  clans  at, 
91. 

Murray,  Alexander,  joins  Charles, 
154 ;  the  Elibank  plot,  158,  159. 

Murray,  Lord  George,  joins 
Charles  at  Perth,  59 ;  receives 
deputies  from  Edinburgh,  62 ; 
his  tactics  at  Prestonpans,  65 ; 
marches  into  England,  68 ;  takes 
the  clans  over  the  Ribble,  70 ;  at 
the  skirmish  at  Clifton,  73,  74  ; 
at  the  battle  of  Falkirk,  78,  79 ; 
desires  to  postpone  an  engage- 
ment at  Culloden,  85  ;  ignorant 
of  Charles's  intention  to  rally  at 
Fort  Augustus,  90;  resigns  his 
commission,  91. 

Murray,  James,  titular  Earl  of 
Dunbar,  Clementina's  dislike 
to,  24;  _ tutor  to  ^Charles,  25; 
Clementina's  suspicions  regard- 
ing his  sister,  27  ;  replaced  by 
Stafford  as  Charles's  tutor,  31 ; 
accompanies  Charles  to  Gaeta, 

Murray,  John,  of  Broughton, 
appointed  James's  agent  in 
Scotland,  38 ;  his  Genuine  Me- 


INDEX 


219 


Mteirs,  39;  visits  Charles  at 
Paris,  43 ;  Charles  announces 
his  departure  for  Scotland  to, 
48  ;  Charles  summons,  52 ;  joins 
Charles,  55 ;  opposes  Lovat's 
advice,  58 ;  receives  deputies 
from  Edinburgh,  61 ;  refuses  to 
send  Charles  money,  98. 
Murray,  Lord  John,  his  Highland 
regiment,  66. 

NAIRN,  Cumberland  advances  to, 
82 ;  Charles's  night-march  to, 
83,  84. 

Nangis,  Chevalier  de,  made 
prisoner,  115. 

Nantes,  Charles  sails  from,  48. 

Naples,  Charles  at,  34. 

Napoleon  Bonaparte,  interviews 
Louise  of  Stolberg,  199. 

Newcastle-under-Lyme,  Cumber- 
land's advanced  posts  at,  71. 

Newcastle-on-Tyne,  Charles  pro- 
poses to  march  to,  68. 

Norris,  Sir  John,  his  fleet  at  Spit- 
head,  41,  42. 

Nunton,  Flora  Macdonald  jour- 
neys to,  101  ;  Captain  Fergusson 
and  the  soldiery  at,  104. 

O'BRIEN,  Captain,  searches  for 
Charles,  119. 

Ogilvy,  David  Lord,  marches  into 
England,  69. 

Oglethorpe,  Major-General,  his 
cavalry  join  Cumberland,  73. 

Ohlau,  Charles  Wogan's  mission 
to,  17,  18. 

O'Neil,  Captain  Felix,  follows 
Charles  from  Culloden,  90 ;  with 
Charles  at  Stornoway,  95 ;  in 
Benbecula,  99 ;  meets  Flora 
Macdonald,  100 ;  accompanies 
Charles  to  Coradale,  102 ;  es- 
corts Flora  to  Charles,  103 ; 
Flora  refuses  to  take  him  to 
Skye,  104. 

Orlandini,  Mme.,  aids  Louise  to 
escape  from  Charles,  194. 

Ormonde,  James  Duke  of,  effigy 
°f>  *3>  James  III.  writes  to, 
19  ;  and  Layer's  plot,  23. 

O'Sullivan,  Captain,  accompanies 
Charles  to  Scotland,  49 ;  ap- 
pointed Quartermaster-General, 
59;  surprises  Edinburgh,  62; 


rides  from  Culloden  with 
Charles,  92 ;  sails  to  Stornoway 
with  Charles,  95  ;  at  Coradale, 
99  ;  said  to  have  induced  Clem- 
entina Walkinshaw  to  come  to 
Charles,  156. 

O'Toole,  Mr.,  aids  Clementina  to 
escape  from  Innsbruck,  18. 

PADUA,  Charles  at,  36. 
Palestrina,   Princess,   Charles    at 

a  party  given  by,  182. 
Paris,  Charles  at,  41,  42,  43,  127  ; 

Charles  leaves  Paris  for  Spain, 

130 ;    Charles  returns  to,   132 ; 

Charles  at,  142,  144,    151,    153, 

154,  160,  163,  166,  185. 
Parma,  Charles  at,  36. 
Paterson,    Sir    Hugh,   entertains 

Charles  at  Bannockburn,  156. 
Penrith,  Charles  marches  to,  73. 
Perpignan,  Charles  at,  131. 
Perth,    James    titular    Duke    of, 

Charles  summons,  52  ;   Charles 

assigns   the  joint  command   of 

his  army  to,  59 ;   marches  into 

England,  68  ;    besieges  Stirling 

Castle,  76 ;  withdraws  from  the 

Spey  to  Culloden,  82. 
Perth,  James   Earl    of,   governor 

to  James  III.,  5. 
Perth,  Charles  at,  59,  80. 
Peterhead,  James   III.   lands  at, 

14. 

Piacenza,  Charles  at,  36. 
"Pickle    the    Spy,"    vide    Mac- 

donell,  Alastair,  of  Glengarry. 
Pisa,  Charles  at,  36,  184. 
Pitsligo,    Alexander     Lord,     his 

troop  of  horse,  68. 
Pius  VI.,  Pope,  assures  Louise  of 

his  sympathy,  196 ;   refuses  to 

dismiss  Alfieri  from  Rome,  197  ; 

orders  Alfieri  to  withdraw,  ib.  ; 

congratulates    Charles    on    his 

moral  improvement,  200. 
Plombieres,  James  III.  at,  12. 
Pontoise,  Charles  at,  154. 
Portree,  Charles  at,  109,  in. 
Portsmouth,  English  fleet  believed 

to  be  at,  42. 
Preston,  Charles  marches  to,  70, 

Prestonpans,  battle  of,  66. 
Prince  de  Conti,  the,  fitted  out  for 
Charles's  rescue,  118  ;  officers  of, 


220  INDEX 

despair  of  finding  Charles,  i  ig  ;  Salm-Kyllburg,     Princess    Marie 
Charles  on   board  of,   ib.  ;  re-  Louise  of,  rejects  Charles's  pro- 

turns  to  France,  120.  posal  of  marriage,  185. 

Primrose,  Lady,  Charles's  hostess  Savona,  Charles  at,  40,  41. 

in  London  (1750),  148,  149.  Saxe,   Marshal,  with  the  French 

invading  force  at  Dunkirk,  41  ; 

QUADRUPLE  ALLIANCE,  the,  37-  j£  s£Mf    destr°yed'    *a  '* 

Quiberon  Bay,  defeat  of  Conflans  s^gfeg^  of,  his  marriage, 

1 6. 

Scalpa,  Charles  sails  to,  95,  97. 

RAASA,  Charles  sails  to,  in.  Schlettstadt,  Dillon's  regiment  at, 
Ramsay,       Chevalier,       becomes  18. 

Charles's  tutor,  25.  Scorobreck,     Charles     in     hiding 
Robertson,  Charlotte,  Lady  Lude,  near,  in. 

entertains  Charles  at  Lude,  59.  Scott,  Captain  Carolina,  searches 
Rochefort,    Due    de,   Charles   in-  for  Charles  in  South  Uist,  100. 

habits  his  house  at  Avignon,  139.  Sempill,    Francis     titular     Lord, 
Rome,   Charles  born  at,   22  ;    the  represents  the  Jacobite  Associa- 

Palazzo  dei   Santi  Apostoli  at,  tion  in  France,  39. 

assigned    to    James     III.,    ib.;  Shap,      Lord      George      Murray 

Convent   of   the    Ursulines  at,  marches  from,  73. 

shelters  Clementina,  27  ;  James  Sheldon,  Mrs.,  nurse  to  Charles, 

leaves,    28 ;    James   returns   to,  27. 

30  ;  Charles  sets  out  for  Gaeta  Sheridan,   Sir    Thomas,   tutor  to 

from,  33  ;  Charles  leaves,  36,  39  ;  Charles,       25  ;        accompanies 

James    dies    at,    172  ;    Charles  Charles   to   Gaeta,    33  ;   one  of 

brings  his  wife  to,  187  ;  Charles  the  "Seven  Men  of  Moidart," 

dies  at,  201.  48 ;  Charles's  care  for,   51  ;  ac- 

Roqueville,  Admiral,  in  command  companies   Charles  from  Cullo- 

of  the  French   fleet  (1744),  41,  den,  92  ;  returns  to  France,  126  ; 

42.  son  of,  119,  139. 

Rosas,  James  III.  at,  19.  Siena,  Charles  at,  185,  192  ;  Alfieri 
Roscoff,     Charles     returns     from  withdraws  to,  197. 

Scotland  to,  120.  "  Sinclair,"   Charles's    incognito, 
Rossinish,  Charles  at,  99,  103.  95. 

Routledge,    Mr.,   equips   Charles  Skye,  Charles  sails  to,  104;  Charles 

for    the    '45,    47 ;    secures    the  departs     from,     no  ;      Charles 

Elizabeth  for  the  voyage,  48.  doubles  back  to,  1 1 1  ;  returns  to 

Ruins  of  Palmyra,  Charles  orders,  the  mainland  from,  113. 

162.  Sobieska,     Princess    Constantino, 
Ruthven,     Captain     Swettenham  James  III.  complains  of  his  wife 

captured  on   his  way  from,  57 ;  to,  28. 

clans  rally  at,  after   Culloden,  Sobieski,  Prince  James,  Wogan's 

91.  mission  to,  17,  18  ;  daughter  of, 

Ryan,     Colonel,     his     marriage-  vide  Clementina  Maria. 

mission  on  Charles's  behalf,  185.  Spithead,  Sir  John  Norris  ordered 

to,  41. 

Stafford,  Captain,  tutor  to  Charles, 
ST.  GERM  AINS,  James  1 1 1.  leaves,  31;  with   Charles  at  Avignon, 

10 ;  visits  Queen  Mary  at,  15.  139. 

St.  Malo,  ships  for  Charles's  rescue  Stafford,  the  Duke  of  Cumberland 

fitted  out  at,  118.  expected  at,  72. 

St.    Mary-le-Strand,   Charles    re-  Stanislas    Leczinski,    ex-King   of 

ceive_d  into  the  Anglican  Com-  Poland,      at     Luneville,     141 ; 

munion  at  (?),  149.  obtains    Mme.    de    Talmond's 


INDEX 


221 


promise    not    to   join    Charles, 

152- 
Stewart,  John  Roy,  marches  into 

England,  68 ;  informs  Charles  of 

Murray's  situation    at   Clifton, 

73 ;    brings    Murray    Charles's 

orders  to  retire,  74. 
Stewart  of  Ardsheil,  joins  Charles, 

58  ;  in  the  skirmish  at  Clifton, 

Stirling,  Cope  marches  from, 
57 ;  Handasyde  occupies,  70 ; 
Charles  prepares  to  invest,  75  ; 
surrenders  to  Charles,  76. 

Stirling  Castle,  fires  on  Charles  on 
his  march  to  Edinburgh,  60; 
Major-General  Blakeney  in  com- 
mand at,  75  ;  the  Duke  of  Perth 
left  to  continue  the  siege  of,  76  ; 
Charles  returns  to  the  siege  of, 
79 ;  Charles's  forces  withdraw 
from  before,  80. 

Stornoway,  Charles  at,  95. 

Strassburg,  Charles  warned  to 
leave,  142. 

Strathclunie,  Charles  passes 
through,  115. 

Strickland,  Colonel,  accompanies 
Charles  on  his  Italian  tour,  36  ; 
goes  to  Scotland  with  Charles, 

49- 
Stuart,  John  Stolberg  and  Charles 

Edward,    their    Tales    of   the 

Century,  192. 
Swettenham,       Captain,       made 

prisoner    on    his   way  to    Fort 

William,  57. 


TALMOND,  Princesse  de,  Charles 
under  the  influence  of,  136 ; 
advises  Charles  not  to  retire  to 
Fribourg,  137  ;  supposed  to  be 
with  Charles  at  Avignon,  139 ; 
Charles  joins  her  in  Lorraine, 
141 ;  has  rooms  in  the  Convent 
of  St.  Joseph  at  Paris,  144  : 
' '  lively  scenes  "  between  Charles 
and,  145,  146;  climax  of  quarrel 
between  Charles  and,  151,  152  ; 
called  "  La  Tante  "  by  Charles, 
153  ;  Charles  writes  to,  179. 

Tarrochi,  the  game  of,  182. 

Tencin,  Cardinal,  invites  Charles 
to  France,  39 ;  his  proposal 
regarding  Ireland,  129. 


Ternan,  Charles  meets   "Pickle" 

at,  162. 
Terni,  Charles  brings  his  wife  to, 

187. 
"  Thompson, "Charles's  incognito, 

167. 

Tom  Jones,  Charles  procures,  146. 
Townley,    Francis,   his  regiment, 

71- 

Tranent,  Cope  encamps  near,  64  ; 
Charles  marches  to,  65. 

VASSE,  Madame  de,  shelters 
Charles  in  the  Convent  of  St. 
Joseph,  14.4, 145  ;  offers  Charles 
another  hiding-place,  152  ;  un- 
able to  lend  Charles  money, 
155 ;  ordered  by  Charles  to 
assist  in  bringing  Clementina 
Walkinshaw  to  him,  157. 

Vaudreuil,  Major,  arrests  Charles 
at  Paris,  138. 

Venice,  Charles  at,  36,  143. 

Versailles,  Charles  visits  LouisXV. 
at,  127. 

Villafranca,  James  III.  at,  18. 

Vincennes,  Charles  confined  at, 
138. 

WADE,  Marshal,  troops  sent  to 
Newcastle  under,  68  ;  unable  to 
relieve  Carlisle,  69 ;  marches 
after  Charles,  72  ;  his  cavalry 
join  Cumberland,  73. 

Wales,  Charles  proposes  to  march 
into,  72. 

Walkinshaw,  Catherine,  in  the 
Prince  of  Wales's  household, 

Walkinshaw,  Clementina,  joins 
Charles  at  Ghent,  156  ;  account 
of  her  past  career,  it.  ;  treated 
as  Charles's  wife,  158  ;  birth  of 
her  child,  163 ;  quarrels  with 
Charles,  ib.  ;  is  "  loudly  talked 
of,"  164 ;  Marischal  urges 
Charles  to  dismiss,  166  ;  Cluny 
urges  Charles  to  dismiss,  169 ; 
leaves  Charles  and  enters  the 
Abbey  of  NStre  Dame  at 
Meaux,  171  ;  disappointed  of 
help  from  Charles,  180  ;  declares 
that  Charles  had  not  married 
her,  ib.  :  tries  to  see  Charles  at 
Rome,  189 ;  death  of,  202. 


222  INDEX 

Walkinshaw,John,  of  Barrowfield,  Warren,  Colonel,  in  command  o. 

156.  the    expedition    to    search    for 

Walsh,   Antoine  Vincent,  equips  Charles,  119. 

Charles  for  the  '45,  47  ;  lends  his  Waters,   Mr.,    banker    at    Paris, 

frigate,  48  ;  refuses  to  join  in  the  Charles  proposes  to  visit,  141; 

fight    between    the    Lion    and  Charles  writes  to,  142 ;    under 

Elizabeth,  49-50.  suspicion,    144  ;  Charles   writes 

Walton,  John,  reports  Charles  to  to,    152;    refuses    to    advance 

be  a  weak  child,  22  ;  his  opinion  money  to  Charles,  155  ;  son  of, 

of  Clementina,  23  ;  reports  the  154. 

improbability    of     her     having  Wiay,  Charles  sails  to,  99,  103. 

another     child,    26  ;    describes  Wogan,   Charles,   his  mission   to 

Charles's  attack  upon  Murray,  Ohlau,  17  ;    rescues  Clementina 

32  ;  reports  Charles's  departure  from     Innsbruck,    18  ;     advises 

from  Rome,  40.  Charles  to  visit  Spain,  130. 


BILLING   AND   SONS,    LTD.,    PRINTERS,    GUILDKORK 


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